HISTORY OF 



THE PEQUOT WAR 



THE CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS OF MASON, 

UNDERHILL, VINCENT AND 

GARDENER 



Reprinted from the Collections of the 

Massachusetts Historical 

Society 



WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES AND AN INTRODUCTION BY 

CHARLES ORR 



LIBRARIAN OF CASE LIBRARY 




CLEVELAND 

THE HELMAN- TAYLOR COMPANY 

I8 97 



TWO' 



I t* I M A 



No..X 



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Copyrighted, 1897 
The Helman-Taylor Co 





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imperial 3P« ss : 

CLEVELAND. 


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PREFATORY NOTE. 



The increasing demand for full and accurate reprints 
of early narratives, contemporary with the events they 
describe, is an interesting feature of the present reviv- 
al of interest in American history. The originals of 
many of these earlier narratives are, of course, now 
very rare, and to be found only in special collections 
or in the largest libraries. Much of the more valuable 
material has been reprinted from time to time by 
printing clubs and historical societies ; but these re- 
prints themselves have, in many cases, become scarce 
or inaccessible. This may be said of the narratives 
brought together in this volume, of which only two 
have before been reprinted in full in separate form. 
They have, however, all been reprinted in various vol- 
umes of The Massachusetts Historical Society Collec- 
tions, and it is from this source that the present publi- 
cation is made, with the kind permission of the Society. 
The text, as found in the Collections, has been followed 
closely, and the order of publication preserved ; most 
of the notes have been retained and a few added, 
mainly in Mason's Narrative, to which prominence is 
given for apparent reasons. It was thought best to in- 
clude the biographical sketch of Vincent for the reason 



IV PREFATORY NOTE. 

that at the time of the original publication of his ac- 
count of the war nothing was known of its author, nor 
had anything been discovered up to the time of its 
publication in the Collections. The map is reproduced 
from George E. Ellis' Life of John Mason in Spark's 
Library of American Biography. 

C. O. 



CONTENTS. 



Prefatory Note, .... iii 

Introduction, ..... vii 

Captain John Mason : 
Brief History of the Pequot War, . . 1 

Captain John Underhill : 
Newes from America, ... 47 

i Philip Vincent : 

A true Relation of the late Battell fought 
in New England, - 93 

Lion Gardener : 

Relation of the Pequot War, . . 113 



INTRODUCTION. 



It may be truthfully said that no event in the very 
early history of New England had a greater infiu 
ence on its destiny than that known as the Pequot 
War. It turned the tide which threatened to overwhelm 
the colonies, and established a peace that continued 
unbroken for nearly forty years. 

So long as the settlements of New England 
clustered around Massachusetts Bay, and occupied 
territory from which the Indians had been swept 
by the terrible plague of 1616-17, the conflict for 
the possession of the more fertile country to the 
west was deferred; but when in 1636 the emigrants 
from Watertown, Dorchester and Newton had pushed 
their way through the dense forests, and occupied 
the Connecticut Valley, a struggle for existence 
became inevitable. For these settlers found the 
country dominated by the Pequots, the most dreaded 
of all the tribes of New England, and who had driven 
away the weaker tribes or held them under subjection. 

The earliest known territory of the Pequots was a nar- 
row strip of coast extending from Niantic River to the 
Rhode Island boundary. They controlled, however, all 
the tribes east of the Connecticut River, and westward 
to near New Haven, and nearly all of Long Island. 
They originally formed one tribe with the Mohegans, 
who later seceded under Uncas, and remained the 



Vlll INTRODUCTION 

faithful allies of the colonists Their total strength at 
that time is estimated to have been about three thou- 
sand; their chief sagamore was the wily Sassacus, 
and their principal stronghold was at the mouth of 
the Thames. 

The colonists had no doubt given good cause for 
the hostility of this savage tribe, whose real griev- 
ance dated from the seizure, by Thomas Hunt, of 
twenty-seven inoffensive Indians who had trusted in 
his honor. For, though this occurred in 1614,* it still 
slumbered in the breasts of Sassacus and the Pequots, 
who were unable to discriminate between the act of 
this unprincipled adventurer and the more peaceably 
disposed settlers of the later period. The incidents 
leading up to a formal declaration of war by the colo- 
nies have been related in detail by Prince in his intro- 
duction to Mason's Narrative, by Mason himself and 
by other contemporaries and later historians. Some 
thirty persons belonging to the settlements of the 
Connecticut River and in the Pequot's territory had 
fallen victims to Indian barbarity; and it was clear 
that they intended to so harass the settlers as to drive 
them from the country. There were then in Connecti- 
cut some two hundred and fifty Englishmen with their 

*In 1G14, Captain John Smith, the celebrated navigator, after touching 
at several places on the coast of New England, embarked for England 
and left his ship under the command of Thomas Hunt, to load with fish 
for Spain. Hunt, under the pretense of trading with them, enticed into 
the ship twenty Indians from Patuxet and seven from Nanset. He seized 
on these unsuspecting natives, confined them in the hold of the vessel and 
carried them to Malaga, where he sold a number of them for twenty 
pounds a man ; and would have disposed of the whole in the same way if 
the monks of that city had not compassionately interfered and rescued 
those who remained out of his hands. — i. Mass. Hist. Coll., VII., from 
Mather's Relation of the Troubles in New England, etc. 



INTRODUCTION. IX 

families and they soon became thoroughly aroused as 
to the importance of aggressive measures. It was the 
first real emergency the General Court of that colony 
was compelled to meet.* The Court wrote to Massa- 
chusetts, February 21st, 1637, for the aid of that colony 
and making known its intended action. At a special 
session on the first of May, 1637, offensive war was 
declared by Connecticut, and by order of the Court a 
force of ninety men was levied and provisioned ; the 
company was placed under the command of John 
Mason The solemnity and sadness of the hour may 
be faintly realized when it is remembered that a failure 
of the expedition meant perhaps complete annihilation 
of the settlers and their families. The record of the 
Court is as follows: 

The first day of May, 1637, Gerfall Corte ait Harteford. 

Mr. Ludlowe, Mr. Wells, Mr. Swaine, Mr. Steele, 
Mr. Phelps, Mr. Warde. 

Committees. — Mr. Whytinge, Mr. Webster, Mr. 
Willms, Mr Hull, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Hos- 
ford, Mr. Mychell, Mr. Sherman. 

It is ordered that there shalbe an offensiue warr ag l 
the Pequoitt, and that there shalbe 90 men levied out 
of the 3 Plantacons, Harteford, Weathersfield and 
Windsor (vizt) out of Harteford 42, Windsor 30, Weath- 
ersfield 18 vnder the Comande of Captaine Jo:Mason 

* ' The Assembly further showed its consciousness of separate existence 
by declaring an offensiue warr ag l the Pequoitt,' assigning the propor- 
tions of its miniature army and supplies to each town and appointing a 
commander * * * * So complete are the features of State-hood, that we 
may fairly assign May r, 1637, as the proper birthday of Connecticut." — 
A Johnston. The Genesis of a New England State. 



X INTRODUCTION. 

& in Case of death or sicknes vnder the Comande of 
Rob'te Seely Leif\ & the 'ldest S r ieant or military officer 
survivinge, if both these miscary. 

It is ordered that Harteford shall send 14 Armour 
in this designe, Windsor 6. 

It is ordered that there shalbe l hh of good beare for 
the Captaine & M r & sick men, if there be only 3 or 4 
gallons of strong water, 2 gallons of sacke. 

It is ordered that Windsor shall p r uid 60 bushells of 
Come, Harteford 84 bnshells, Weathersfield 36 bushells, 
of this each plantacon to bake in biskett the on half 
if by any meanes they cann, the rest in grounde meale. 
Weathersfield tenn bnshells to bee allowed vppon Ac- 
compt. 

Harteford is to p r nide 3 firkins of suett, 2 firkins of 
Butter, w th y* all Rivers mouth, 4 bushells of Oate 
meale, 2 bushells of Pease, 500 of fish, 2 bushells of 
salt; Weathersfield 1 bushell of Indian Beanes; 
Windsor 50 peeces of Porke, 30 lb of Rice, 4 Cheeses. 

It is ordered that every souldier shall cary w th him 
l lb powder, 4 lb of shott, 20 bulletts; 1 barrell of Pow- 
der from the Riuers mouth (a light) Gunn if they cann. 

(It is ordered) y* Mr. Pincheons shallopp shalbe 
taken to be imployed (in this desi )gne. 

Later records of the Court, referring to the War, 
show the determination on the part of the settlers to 
exterminate the Indians and to follow up the advan- 
tage gained by the first onslaught. 

June 2 d , 1637. A General! Corte aft Harteford. 

It is ordered y l there shalbe sent forth 30 men out of 
the seu r all plantacons in this River of Conectecott to 



INTRODUCTION. XI 

sett downe in the Pequoitt Countrey & River in place 
convenient to maynteine o r right y 1 God by Conquest 
hath given to vs, & Leiftenn* Seely shall hauee the 
Comande of them. The men are to be raised 14 out of 
Harteford, tenn out of Windsor, 6 out of Wytheres- 
feild. 

It is ordered y* 60 bushells of Corne shalbe p r uided 
for the designe aboues d , Windsor 20, Harteford, 28, 
Wythersfeild 12, l hh of Pease, 2 bushells of Oatemeale. 
150 pounde of Beefe, 80 lb of Butter (vizt) Windsor 30, 
Wythersfeild 30, Harteford 20, fish. 

26 Jane 1637, Harteford Gen'all Corte. 

It is ordered that 10 men more shalbe levied out of 
the plantacons aforesaide to goe to the designe ag f the 
Pequoitts as an adition to the form r 30, (vizt) 5 out of 
Harteford, Windsor 3, Wythersfeild 2. 

It is ordered y 1 Mr. Haine & Mr. Ludlowe shall goe 
to the mouth of the River to treate & Conclude w th 
o r frendes of the Bay either to joine w th their forces in 
p r secutinge or designe against o r enemies or if they can 
see cause by aduise to interprise any Accon accordinge 
to the force we haue. And to Parle w th the bay aboute 
o r settinge downe in the Pequoitt Countrey. 

It is ordered y* there shale be 1 hogg p r ovided att 
Wythersfeild for the designe in hande, w ch is concerned 
to be Nathaniell Footes, 20 lb of butter, half C of 
Cheese; Harteford 20 lb of Butter, half C. of Cheese, 1 
gallon of stronge Water; Harteford 1 C of beefe from 
Mr. Whittinge, Windsor 3 bushells of mault, 2 deom 
Wythersfeild, Mr. Wells 2. 

The colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth realized 



Xll INTRODUCTION. 

the importance to themselves of aggressive warfare 
against the encroachment of the savages and responded 
to the plea of Connecticut. Massachusetts at a special 
session of her General Court held April 18th, 1637, 
ordered a levy of one hundred and sixty men and ap- 
propriated the sum of six hundred dollars. 

This Court being assembled for the speciall occation 
of psecuting the warr against the Pecoits, it was agreed 
& ordered, that the warrs, haveing bene vndertaken 
vpon iust ground, should bee seriously psecuted , & for 
this end there shalbee 160 men pvided to bee chosen 
out of the severall townes according to the pportion 
vnderwritten, vdli ; out of out of 

16 



Newberry, 


8 


men 









Charlestowne, 


12 more after 4 


Ipswich, 


17 


more 


after 


6 


23 


Boston, 


26 9 


Salem, 


18 






6 


24 


Roxberry, 


10 3 


Saugust, 


16 






5 


21 


Dorchester, 


13 4 


Watertowne, 


14 






5 


19 


Waymothe, 


05 2 


Newetowne, 


09 






3 


12 


Hingham, 


06 2 


Marbleheade, 


03 






1 


4 


Meadfoarde, 


03 1 



the men to bee named by the severall townes, & 
psented to the counsell, w tb in one weeke, who shall 
give a call vnto such of them as they may thinke fit, 
(&may impress such as are not freemen, at their discre- 
tion,) to the number of 120 at the least; (these who 
were lately sent to Saybrooke to bee accounted of said 
number of 160) and they shall pvide amonge these 
men some fit to bee chosen officers, & such as shalbee 
enrolled for this servise shall have, every comon soul- 
dier, 20 sh s p month, every sergeant, 30 sh s p month, 
besides their dyots, & that the counsell shall take 
order herein for all other things concerning the said 
expedition, so as all may be in readines (so farr as is 
possible) be the end of the next Generall Court, and 



INTRODUCTION. Xlll 

for training and ppareing the souldiers, before they 
bee sent. / 

And for the furtherance of this expedition there 
shalbee 600 f levyed fourth w th , according to the last 
levy of 300 f . / 

The counsell are also to treat w th our neighbours of 
Plimoth about such ayde as they will send with vs, & 
also wth o r frends vpon Conecktecot, & shall have 
power to proceede wth them in the said treaty as occa- 
tion shall require. / 

And they shall make choyce of a fit man to bee stew- 
eard for makeing & dispencing the pvisions, who shall 
have 40 sh s the month for wages, beside dyot. / 

Capt Trask shall have the comaunde of all the soul- 
diers, & Leift Damport, who shalbee allowed, the capt 
6 1 p month, & the leift 4 1 p month ; & the next Court 
will take order for such other comaunder or com- 
aunders as they shall thinke fit to ioyne vnto them. / 

The Court of Plymouth Colony passed the following 
order June 7th, 1637: 
Before William Bradford, Captaine Miles Standish, 

gent., Gounor, Tymothy Hatherley, and 

Edward Winslowe, John Jenney, gentlemen, 

Thomas Prence, 
justice of the peace of o r souaigne lord the kinge, and 
Assistants in the goument. 

It is concluded and enacted by the Court, that the 
colony of New Plymouth shall send forth ayd to assist 
them of Massachusetts Bay and Conectacutt in their 
warrs against the Pequin Indians, in revenge of the 
innocent blood of the English w ch the s d Pequins haue 
barbarously shed, and refuse to giue satisf accon for. 



XIV 



INTRODUCTION. 



It is also enacted by the Court, that there shalbe 
thirty psons sent for land service, and as many others 
as shalbe sufficient to manage the barque. 

Lieftennant William Holmes is elected to goe leader 
of the said company. 

Mr. Thomas Prence is also elected by lott to be for 
the counsell of warr, and to goe forth w th them. 

The names of the Souldiers that willingly offer them- 
selues to goe upon the sd Service, wth Mr. Prince & 
the Leiftent. 

Voluntaries. 



Thomas Clarke, 

Richard Church, 

Constance Southerne, 

John Barnes, 

Mr Nathaniel Thomas & his 

Mr Goarton, [man 

John Cooke, if his f amyly can 

be puided, 
Mr Steephen Hopkins, 
John Heyward, 
Thomas Williams, 
Nicholas Presland, 
Thomas Pope, 
Phillip Delanoy, 
Francis Billington, 
Henry Willis, 
Perregrine White, 
Caleb Hopkins, 
Samuell Nash, 
Robte Mendall, 
Henry Sampson, 

Such as will go if 
Mr Thomas Hill, 
Thomas Boardman, 



Georg Soule, 
Samuell Jenney, 
Thomas Redding, 
Loue Brewster, or 
Joseph Robinson, his man 
Edward Holman, 
William Paddy, 
John Hearker, 
Richard Clough, 
Henry Ewell, 
Joseph Biddle, 
William Tubbs 
George Kennerick, 
Thomas Halloway, 
John Irish, 
John Jenkins, 
Jacob Cooke, 
Giles Hopkins, 
John Phillips, 
Thomas Goarton. 

they be prest. 
James Coale, 



INTRODUCTION. XV 

It is also enacted by the Court, that Mr. Hopkins 
and John Winslow for the town of Plymouth, Mr. 
Howland and Jonathan Brewster for the towne of 
Ducksborrow, and Mr. Gilson and Edward Forster for 
the towne of Scituate, shalbe added to the Gounor and 
Assistants to assesse men towards the charges of the 
souldiers that are to be sent forth for the ayde of the 
Massachusetts Bay and Connectacutt. 

Connecticut raised her levy of ninety men, and Ma- 
son started with his expedition on May 10th. The 
details of the campaign are related in the narratives 
themselves, and need be only briefly mentioned here. 
The route taken by Mason may be traced by aid of 
the map. He sailed down the Connecticut River to 
Say brook, from whence he was to proceed to the Pe- 
quot River and to attack the fort from the west. But 
he chose to disobey this order, and his reasons are 
given in his account of the expedition. Having 
resolved to make the attack from land he sailed at once 
for Narragansett Bay. The boats reached their destina- 
tion Saturday evening, the twentieth, and the men re- 
mained on their vessels, religiously observing the Sab- 
bath. On Tuesday evening they disembarked, and on 
Wednesday morning Mason received a message from 
Roger Williams announcing the arrival at Providence 
of a Massachusetts party of forty men under Captain 
Patrick, and requesting him to wait until they came 
up But Mason decided to push on, wishing to take 
the enemy by surprise, and with seventy seven white 
men, (thirteen having been left in charge of the boats), 
about sixty Mohegans, and two hundred or more Nar- 
ragansetts, again took up his march. In the evening 



XVI INTRODUCTION. 

they came to a fort occupied by the Niantics, a tribe of 
the Narragansetts. Mason, suspecting them of treach- 
ery, caused this fort to be surrounded, in order that 
they might not convey information to the Pequots. 
The next morning, some two hundred of them joined 
the little army, making five hundred Indians in all. 
At eight o'clock, Mason with his seventy-seven white 
men and their noisy escort of Indians, was on the 
march. It was Thursday, the fifth of June in our 
calendar, and the air was very warm and oppressive. 
Some of the men fainted on the way on account of the 
excessive heat and a lack of food. Pawcatuck River 
was reached after a hard march of twelve miles, and 
here they rested and ' ' refreshed themselves with their 
mean commons." As they reached the frontier of the 
Pequots, the Narragansetts began to show signs of 
fear, and many of them returned to their own country. 
The company halted again at a point about three 
miles beyond the Pawcatuck, a'nd held a council. It 
was found that the Pequots had two forts in this 
locality, one of which was near the Pequot River and 
could not be reached before midnight. It was resolved 
to attack the nearest one, on the Mystic River, and to 
encamp for the night at Porters Rocks. The camp was 
a short distance from the fort and they could distinctly 
hear the shouts of the Indians, who were exulting over 
the fear of the white men to attack them : for the In- 
dians had seen the expedition pass the mouth of their 
river a few days before, and did not suppose they 
would return to attack them by land. At about three 
o'clock in the morning, the English arose, and after 
prayers for the success of the undertaking began their 



INTRODUCTION. XV11 

silent march for the fort. The Indiana Hies were now 
far in the rear, and Mason had some difficulty in pre- 
venting a retreat. He urged them, however, to ' ' stand 
at what distance they pleased and see whether the 
English would fight or not.' 1 

The fort, though rude in construction, was quite 
formidable, considering the great disparity in num- 
bers. It was circular in form, and about two acres in 
extent and contained about seventy wigwams arranged 
in rows or streets. It had but two openings: these 
were on opposite sides and were made difficult of en- 
trance by the use of branches of trees. As they ap- 
proached the fort, it was agreed that Captain Under- 
bill should enter by one of these openings, while Ma- 
son entered by the other. When Mason was within 
one rod of the opening on the northeast side, the 
Indians were aroused by the barking of a dog. But 
Mason, aided by Lieutenant Seeley, pushed aside the 
brush which obstructed the passage, and entered . the 
fort with sixteen of his men. Underhill entered from 
the other side at about the same moment. 

The Indians were panic stricken by the suddeness of 
the attack, and the English used their swords and 
muskets with deadly effect. By a quick resolve of 
Mason, fire brands were applied to the inflammable 
material of the wigwams, and the whole interior was 
soon a mass of flame and smoke. The English 
then encircled the fort and the Indian allies 
formed an outer circle to prevent the escape of any 
fugitive. 

Of the Pequots, between six and seven hundred per- 
ished in the fort, seven escaped and seven were cap- 



XV111 INTRODUCTION. 

tured. Of the English, only two were killed and 
twenty wounded. 

Nothing could be more dreadful than the slaughter 
and burning on that eventful night; it forms a page 
in our history too terrible to dwell upon, except in the 
light of its results, and this was the attitude of all the 
early settlers toward the event; they believed that 
there was justification for extreme measures and that 
the end justified the means. 

John Fiske, in his Beginnings of New England, says, 
writing of the overthrow of the Pequots and its im- 
portance in the planting of New England: "As a 
matter of practical policy, the annihilation of the 
Pequots can be condemned only by those who read 
history so incorrectly as to suppose that savages, whose 
business it is to torture and slay, can always be dealt 
with according to the methods in use between civilized 
peoples. A mighty nation like the United States is in 
honor bound to treat the red man with scrupulous 
justice and refrain from cruelty in punishing his de- 
linquencies. But if the founders of Connecticut, in 
confronting a danger which threatened their very 
existence, struck with savage fierceness, we cannot 
blame them. The world is so made that it is only in 
that way that the higher races have been able to pre- 
serve themselves and carry on their progressive work. ' ' 

Mason now marched with his little band toward the 
Pequot River where they were to meet their vessels. 
They were almost destitute of food and ammunition, 
and still in the enemies' country. They were attacked 
by about three hundred of the Pequots from the other 
fort but were able to keep them at bay, and soon had 



INTRODUCTION. XIX 

the pleasure of seeing their vessels sailing into the har- 
bor. They found here Captain Patrick, who had em- 
barked on board the vessels at the Narr&gansett with 
forty of the Massachusetts troops. Mason, with twenty 
of his men, and Patrick with his forty, set out to Say- 
brook fort by land, while Underhill with the wounded 
and the remainder of the Connecticut troops went by 
water. The whole company was royally entertained 
by Lieutenant Gardener at the fort. Mason then took 
his men up the river to their homes. There was of 
course, great rejoicing among the settlers on the Con- 
necticut : for though the danger was not entirely over, 
it was felt that Mason and his men had dealt a blow 
which would destroy the power of the Pequots. 

Later events were comparatively unimportant and 
need not be dwelt upon here. It will be noticed that 
Massachusetts and Plymouth Colonies gave no aid to 
Connecticut at the critical time of the campaign as con- 
ducted by Mason, and of the one hundred and sixty 
men raised by Massachusetts, only about twenty 
reached the scene in time to join Mason in the attack. 
Indeed, Mason does not mention in his narrative 
the intended union of the three colonies. Their 
failure, however, to join with Connecticut was due 
partly to unavoidable delays and partly to the im- 
patience of Mason, which, had it not resulted fa- 
vorably, would seem little short of foolhardy. But 
the part he played, and the success of the expedition 
in which he was the leader, made him without ques- 
tion the hero of the war and placed him on the roll of 
New England's great men. For the same reason, his 
account of the war, and particularly of the attack on 



XX INTRODUCTION. 

Mystic fort, is the most interesting of all the narra- 
tives. It has distinctly the flavor of actual partici- 
pate in the events, which is not true of any of the 
other accounts, except that of Underhill. 

Tyler, in his History of American Literature, says of 
Mason's account that it is "a plain but vigorous narra- 
tive of a very plain and very vigorous campaign. 
Naturally enough, the historian writes not from docu- 
ments, but from his own recollections of the events in 
which he bore so large a part. His style is that of a 
fighter rather than a writer ; there is an honest blunt 
ness about it, an unaffected, rough simplicity, a manly, 
forth-rightness of diction, all the charm of authentic- 
ity and strength. It is fortunate that he dashed off 
this little book without the expectation of printing it. 
' I never had thought that this would come to the 
press . . . . ; if I had, I should have endeavored 
to put a little more varnish upon it.' We like his 
bluff narrative all the more because the varnish was 
left off; and we like him all the more as we get ac- 
quainted with the modest and frank spirit in which he 
wrote it. 'I shall only draw the curtain,' he says, 
' and open my little casement, that so others of larger 
hearts and abilities may let in a bigger light; ' that so, 
at least some small glimmering may be left to posterity, 
what difficulties our forefathers met with in their first 
settling these desert parts of America." 



[Bibliographical Note. — This narrative was first printed, in part, by 
Increase Mather in his Relation of the Troubles in New England, 1637, 
as being the work of John Allyn. It was printed in full from the original 
manuscript, with an introduction by Thomas Prince, in 1736. A copy of 
the title-page of this edition will be found opposite. This reprint is made 
from 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. vii., 120-153. A reprint was made by Sabin 
in 1869.] 



A Brief History 



OF 



THE PEQUOT WAR: 



Especially of the memorable Taking of their Fort 
at Mistick in Connecticut in 1637. 



Written by Major John Mason, a principal Actor there- 
in, as then chief Captain and Commander 
of Connecticut Forces. 

With an Introduction and some Explanatory Notes 
by the Reverend Mr. Thomas Prince. 



Psal. xliv. 1 — 3. We have heard with our Ears, O God, our Fathers 
have told us, what Work Thou didst in their Days, in the times of 
old ; How Thou didst drive out the Heathen with thy Hand, and 
plant edst Them : how Thou did afflict the People and cast them out. 
For they got not the Land in Possession by their own Sword, neither 
did their own Arm save them : but thy right Hand, and thine Ann, 
and the Light of thy Countenance, because Thou hadst a Favour 
unto them. 

Psal. cii. 18. This shall be written for the Generation to come : and 
the People which shall be Created, shall praise the Lord. 



BOSTON: 

Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green 
in Queen Street, 1736. 






Introduction. 

IN my Contemplations of the Divine Providence to- 
wards the People of New England, I have often 
tho't what a special Favour it was, that there came over 
with the first Settlers of Plimonth and Connecticut 
Colonies, which in those Times were especially exposed 
to the superiour Power of the Barbarians round about 
them; Two brave Englishmen bred to arms in the 
Dutch Netherlands, viz. Capt. Miles Standish of Pli- 
mouth, and Capt. John Mason of Connecticut: Gentle- 
men of tried Valour, Military Skill and Conduct, great 
Activity, and warm Zeal for that noble Cause of Pure 
Scriptural Religion, and Religious Liberty, which were 
the chief original Design and Interest of the Fathers 
of these Plantations ; and who were acted with such 
eminent Degrees of Faith and Piety, as excited them 
to the most daring Enterprizes in the Cause of God and 
of his People, and went a great way to their wonder- 
ful Successes. 

Like those inspired Heroes of whom we read the His- 
tory in the Eleventh Chapter to the Hebrews— By 
Faith, they not only rather chose to suffer Affliction 
with the People of God than to enjoy the Pleasures of 
Sin for a Season; esteeming the Reproach of Christ 
greater Riches than the Treasures of Egypt : But by 
Faith they even forsook the same, passed thro' the Sea, 
subdued Kingdoms, wrought Righteousness, obtained 



4 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Promises, waxed valiant in Fight, and turned to flight 
the armies of the Aliens. 

The Judicious Reader that knows the New English 
History, cannot think these Scripture Phrases or relig- 
ious Turns unsuitable on this Occasion : For as these 
Colonies were chiefly, if not entirely Settled by a Re- 
ligious People, and for those Religious Purposes ; It is 
as impossible to write an impartial or true History of 
them, as of the ancient Israelites, or the later Vaudois 
or North-Britons, without observing that Religious 
Spirit and Intention which evidently run through and 
animate their Historical Transactions. 

Capt. Standish was of a low Stature, but of such a 
daring and active Genius, that even before the Arrival 
of the Massachusetts Colony, He spread a Terror over 
all the Tribes of Indians round about him, from the 
Massachusetts to Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape- 
Cod Harbour to Narragansett. Capt. Mason was Tall 
and Portly, but never the less full of Martial Bravery 
and Vigour ; that He soon became the equal Dread of 
the more numerous Nations from Narragansett to Hud- 
son's River. They were Both the Instrumental Sa- 
viours of this Country in the most critical Conjunc- 
tures: And as we quietly enjoy the Fruits of their 
extraordinary Diligence and Valour, both the present 
and future Generations will for ever be obliged to re- 
vere their Memory. 

Capt. Mason, the Writer of the following History, 
in which he was a principal Actor, as Chief Comman- 
der of the Connecticut Forces, is said to have been a 
Relative of Mr. John Mason the ancient Claimer of the 
Province of New-Hampshire : However, the Captain 



MASON S NARRATIVE. 

was one of the first who went up from the Massachu- 
setts about the Year 1635 to lay the Foundation of 
Connecticut Colony: He went from Dorchester, first 
settled at Windsor, 1 and thence marched forth to the 
Pequot War. 

But it being above Threescore Years since the fol- 
lowing Narrative was Written, near an Hundred since 
the Events therein related, and the State of the New 
England Colonies being long since greatly Changed ; 
it seems needful for the present Readers clearer Appre- 
hension of these Matters, to Observe — That in the 
Year 1633, and 1634, several Englishmen arriving from 
England, at the Massachusetts, went up in the West- 
ern Country to discover Connecticut River; the next 
Year began to remove thither ; and by the Beginning 
of 1637, Hartford, Windsor and Weathersfield were 
Settled, besides a Fortification built at Saybrook on 
the Mouth of the River. 

At that Time there were especially three powerful 
and warlike Nations of Indians in the South Western 
Parts of New England ; which spread all the Country 
from Aquethneck, since called Rhode Island, to Quin- 
nepiack, since called New-Haven; viz. the Narragan- 
setts, Pequots and Mohegans. The Narragansetts 
reached from the Bay of the same Name, to Pawcatuck 
River, now the Boundary between the Governments of 

1 The names of those who are known to have gone from Windsor are as 
follows: Capt. John Mason, Sergt. Bendict Alvord, Thomas Barber, 
Thomas Buckland, George Chappel, John Dyer, James Eggleston, Nathan 
Gillet, Thomas Gridley, Thomas Stiles, Sergt. Thomas Staires, Richard 
Osborn, Thomas Parsons, William Thrall. They were absent three weeks 
and two days. Every soldier received is. bd. per day, reckoning six days 
in the week ; sergeants, iod. per day ; lieutenants, 20s. per week ; the cap- 
tain, j,os. per week. — Stiles' History of Ancient Windsor. 



6 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Rhode -Island and Connecticut: And their Head Sa- 
chem was Miantonimo. The Pequots reached from 
thence Westward to Connecticut River, and over it, 
as far as Branford, if not Quinnepiack; their Head 
Sachem being Sassacus. And the Mohegans spread 
along from the Narragansetts through the Inland 
Country, on the Back or Northerly Side of the Pequots, 
between them and the Mpmucks; their Head Sachem 
being Uncas. 

The most terrible of all those Nations were then the 
Pequots; who with their depending Tribes soon en- 
tered on a Resolution to Destroy the English out of 
the Country. In 1634, they killed Capt. Stone and all 
his Company, being seven besides Himself, in and near 
his Bark on Connecticut River. In 1635, they killed 
Capt. Oldham in his Bark at Block-Island; and at 
Long-Island they killed two more cast away there. In 
1636, and the following Winter and March, they killed 
six and took seven more at Connecticut River: Those 
they took alive they tortured to Death in a most bar- 
barous Manner. And on April 23. 1637, they killed 
nine more and carried two young Women Captive at 
Weathersfield. 

They had earnestly solicited the Narragansetts to 
engage in their Confederacy: very politickly represent- 
ing to them, That if they should help or suffer the En- 
glish to subdue the Pequots, they would thereby make 
Way for their own future Ruin ; and that they need 
not come to open Battle with the English ; only Fire our 
Houses, kill our Cattle, lye in Ambush and shoot us as 
we went about our Business ; so we should be quickly 
forced to leave this Country, and the Indians not ex- 



posed to any great Hazard. Those truly politick Argu- 
ments were upon the Point of prevailing on the Narra- 
gansetts : And had These with the Mohegans, to whom 
the Pequots were nearly related, joined against us; 
they might then, in the infant State of these Colonies, 
have easily accomplished their desperate Resolutions. 
But the Narragansetts being more afraid of the Pe- 
quots than of the English ; were willing they should 
weaken each other, not in the least imagining the En- 
glish could destroy them ; at the same time an Agency 
from the Massachusetts Colony to the Narragansetts, 
happily Preserved their staggering Friendship.- And 
as Uncas the Great Sachim of the Moheags, upon the 
first coming of the English, fell into an intimate Ac- 
quaintance with Capt. Mason, He from the Beginning 
entertained us in an amicable Manner: And though 
both by his Father and Mother He derived from the 
Royal Blood of the Pequots, and had Married the 
Daughter of Tatobam their then late Sachim ; yet such 
was his Affection for us, as he faithfully adhered to 
us, ventured his Life in our Service, assisted at the Tak- 
ing their Fort, when about Seven Hundred of them 

9 The proposed Indian league was prevented by the diplomacy of Roger 
Williams. For, though he had been banished by the colony of Massachu- 
setts, the magistrates sought his counsel, which he gave freely, and was 
thus able to render the infant colonies a service which proved to be of the 
greatest importance. In a letter to John Mason in 1670, when both were 
old men, he writes as follows: "When, the next year after my banish- 
ment, the Lord drew the bow of the Pequot war against the country 
. . . . the Lord helped me immediately to put my life in my hand, 
and scarce acquainting my wife, to ship myself all alone in a poor canoe, 
and to cut through a stormy wind with great seas, every minute in hazard 
of my life, to the sachem's house. Three days and nights my business 
forced me to lodge and mix with the bloody Pequot ambassadors, whose 
hands and arms reeked with the blood of my countrymen, murdered and 
massacred by them on Connecticut River, and from whom I could not but 
nightly look for their bloody knives at my own throat also." 



8 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

were Destroyed, and thereupon in subduing and driv- 
ing out of the Country the remaining greater Part of 
that fierce and dangerous Nation. 

Soon after the War, Capt. Mason was by the Gov- 
ernment of Connecticut, made the major General of 
all their forces, and so continued to the day of his 
death: The Rev. Mr. Hooker of Hartford, being de- 
sired by the Government in their Name to deliver the 
Staff into his Hand ; We may imagin he did it with 
that superiour Piety, Spirit and Majesty, which were 
peculiar to him : Like an ancient Prophet addressing 
himself to the Military Officer, delivering to him the 
Principal Ensign of Martial Power, to Lead the Armies 
and Fight the Battles of the Lord and of his People. 

Major Mason having been trained up in the Nether- 
land War under Sir Thomas Fairfax ; 3 when the Strug- 
gle arose in England between K. Charles I. and the 
Parliament about the Royal Powers and the National 
Liberties; that Famous General had such an esteem 
for the Major's Conduct and Bravery, that He wrote 
to the Major to come over and help Him. 4 But the Ma- 

3 Fairfax went to the Netherlands in April of 1630, and though but eight- 
een, was a volunteer in the army and was with Sir Horace Vere at the 
siege of Bois-le-Duc, which surrendered in July of that year. Young 
Fairfax was then ordered by his grandfather to leave camp and travel in 
France ; and there he remained for about eighteen months, returning to 
England in February of 1632. Since the total service of Fairfax in the 
Low Countries extended over but four months, and was somewhat in the 
nature of a youthful adventure, it can hardly be said that Mason was 
" trained up " under him, though the story has been repeated by nearly 
every biographer of Mason since Prince. He may, however, have been a 
companion in arms with Fairfax, though of this there is no direct proof. 

4 This statement by Prince seems to have been also without authority. 
However, Fairfax, who was no doubt the ablest general of the Civil War 
and a great organizer, must have known of the service of Captain Mason, 
and his " esteem " may have led him to write Mason in Connecticut to join 
Cromwell's army. 



mason's narrative. 9 

jor excusing himself, continued in this Country as long 
as he lived, and had some of the greatest Honours his 
Colony could yield him. 

For besides his Office of Major General, the Colony 
in May 1660 chose him their Deputy Governour; con- 
tinued him in the same Post by annual Re-elections, 
by virtue of their first Constitution to 1662 inclusively. 
The same Year K. Charles II. comprehending the Col- 
onies of Connecticut and New Haven in One Govern- 
ment by the name of Connecticut Colony; He in the 
Royal Charter, signed April 23. appointed Major Ma- 
son their first Deputy Governour till the second Thurs- 
day of October following: After which, the General 
Court being left to chuse their Officers, they continued 
to chuse him their Deputy Governour every Year to 
May 1670; when his Age and Bodily Infirmities ad- 
vancing, he laid down his Office and retired from 
Publick Business. 

After the Pequot War, he had removed from Wind- 
sor to Saybrook: But in 1659, he removed thence to 
Norwich; where he Died in 1672, or 1673, in the 73d 
Year of his Age : leaving three sons, viz. Samuel, John 
and Daniel, to imitate their Fathers Example and in- 
herit his Virtues. 

I have only now to observe, that in The Relation of 
the Troubles which happened to New England by the 
Indians from 1614 to 1675, Published by the then Mr. 
Increase Mather in 1677, I find a copy of the following 
Narrative, but without the Prefaces, had been commu- 
nicated to him by Mr. John Allyn then the Secretary 
of Connecticut Colony; which that Rev. Author took 
for Mr. Allyn' s and calls it his. But we must inform 



10 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

the Reader, that the Narrative was originally drawn 
by Major Mason. And as his Eldest Grandson Capt. 
John Mason now of New London has put it into my 
Hands ; I have been more than usually careful in Cor- 
recting the Press according to the Original ; as the most 
authentick Account of the Pequot War, and as a stand- 
ing Monument both of the extraordinary Dangers and 
Courage of our pious Fathers, and of the eminent Ap- 
pearance of Heaven to save them. 

' The other actions of Major Mason must be referred 
' to the General History of this country, when some 
1 Gentleman of greater Qualifications and Leisure than 
' I may claim, shall rise up among us, to undertake it. 
' I shall give some Hints in my Brief Chronology ; 
' which through numerous Hindrances, is now in such 
' a Forwardness that near 200 Pages are Printed al- 
' ready ; and in a little Time, Life and Health allowed, 
' I hope to present the Publick with the first of the two 
' intended Volumes. In the mean while I cannot but 
' Regret it, that such considerable and ancient Towns 
' as Saybrook, Fairfield, Stamford, Canterbury, Groton 
' in the County of Middlesex, Chelmsford, Billerica, 
' Woburn, Dunstable and Bristol, should afford no 
' more than their bare Names in the Published Rec- 
' ords of this Country. 

THOMAS PRINCE. 

Boston, Dec. 23, 1735. 



mason's narrative. 11 



To The Honourable The General Court 
of Connecticut. 

Honoured Gentlemen, 

You well know how often I have been requested by 
yourselves to write something in reference to the Sub- 
ject of the ensuing Treatise (who have power to Com- 
mand) and how backward I have been, as being con- 
scious to my own unfitness ; accounting it not so proper, 
I being a Chief Actor therein myself. Yet considering 
that little hath been done to keep the memory of such 
a special Providence alive, though I could heartily 
have wished that some other who had been less inter- 
ested and better qualified might have undertaken the 
Task, for I am not unacquainted with my own Weak- 
ness ; yet I shall endeavour in plainness and faithful- 
ness impartially to declare the Matter, not taking the 
Crown from the Head of one and putting it upon an- 
other. There are several who have Wrote and also 
Printed at random on this Subject, greatly missing the 
Mark in many Things as I conceive. 5 I shall not ex- 
empt my self from frailties, yet from material Faults I 
presume you may pronounce it not Guilty, and do as- 
sure you that if I should see or by any be convinced 
of an Error, I shall at once confess and amend it. 

I thought it my Duty in the Entrance to relate the 
first Grounds upon which the English took up Anns 
against the Pequots ; for the Beginning is the Moiety 
of the Whole ; and not to mention some Passages at 

5 Mason refers, no doubt, to the accounts by Underhill and Vincent, 
which had then been printed. 



12 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Rovers, as others have done, and not demonstrate the 
Cause. Judge of me as you please ; I shall not climb 
after Applause, nor do I much fear a Censure ; there 
being many Testimonies to what I shall say. 'Tis pos- 
sible some may think no better can be expected in 
these distracting Times ; it being so hard to please a 
few, impossible to please all : I shall therefore content 
myself that I have attended my rule : You may please 
to improve some others who were Actors in the Service 
to give in their Apprehensions, that so the severals be- 
ing compared, you may enlarge or diminish as you 
shall see meet. I desire my Name may be sparingly 
mentioned : My principal Aim is that God may have 

his due praise. 

By your unworthy Servant, 

JOHN MASON. 



To The American Reader. 

Judicious Reader, 

Although it be too true indeed that the Press labours 
under, and the World doth too much abound with 
pamphleting Papers ; yet know that this Piece cannot 
or at least ought not to be disaccepted by thee ; For by 
the help of this thou mayest look backward and inter- 
pret how God hath been working, and that very won- 
derfully for thy Safety and Comfort: And it being the 
Lord's doing, it should be marvellous in thine Eyes. 

And when thou shalt have viewed over this Paper, 
thou wilt say the Printers of this Edition have done 
well to prevent the possible Imputation of Posterity; 
in that they have consulted the exhibition at least to 



mason's narrative. 13 

the American World, of the remarkable Providencies 
of God, which thou mayest at thy leisure read, consid- 
er and affect thy self with, in the Sequel. 

History most properly is a Declaration of Things that 
are done by those that were present at the doing of 
them: Therefore this here presented to thee may in 
that respect plead for liking and acceptance with thee : 
The Historiographer being one of the principal Actors, 
by whom those English Engagements were under God 
carried on and so successfully effected. And for a 
President for him in this his Publication of his own, 
in Parte Rei Bellicae, he hath that great Man at arms 
the first of the noble Cassars, being the Manager and 
Inditer of his martial Exploits. 

He has also that necessary Ingredient in an Histo- 
rian ; Ut nequid falsi dicere, et nequid veri non dicere 
audeat ; That he will tell the Truth and will not say 
a jot of Falsehood. 

And Memorandum that those divine Over-rulings, 
their Recollection, as they ought to be Quickeners of 
us up to a Theological Reformation, and Awakeners 
of us from a lethargilike Security, least the Lord should 
yet again make them more afflicting Thorns in our 
Eyes and slashing Scourges in our Sides ; so also they 
may well be Pledges or Earnests to us of his future 
saving Mercies; and that if we by our Declensions 
from him in his ways do not provoke him, he will not 
forsake us, but have respect to us in our Dwellings, and 
lend us the desirable Providence of his perpetual Sal- 
vation. 

N. B. This Epistle to the American Reader appears to have been 
written by another Hand than Major Mason's. 



14 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 



To The Judicious Reader. 

Gentlemen, 

I never had thought that this should have come to 
the Press, until of late: If I had, I should have en- 
deavoured to have put a little more Varnish upon it : 
But being over perswaded by some Friends, I thought 
it not altogether amiss to present it to your courteous 
Disposition, hoping it might find your favourable En- 
tertainment and Acceptance, though rude and impol- 
ished. I wish it had fallen into some better Hands 
that might have performed it to the life ; I shall only 
draw the Curtain and open my little Casement, that 
so others of larger Hearts and Abilities may let in a 
bigger Light; that so at least some small Glimmering 
may be left to Posterity what Difficulties and Obstruc- 
tions their Forefathers met with in their first settling 
these desart Parts of America ; how God was pleased 
to prove them, and how by his wise Providence he 
ordered and disposed all their Occasions and Affairs 
for them in regard to both their Civils and Ecclesi- 
asticals. 

This with some other Reasons have been Motives to 
excite me to the enterprizing hereof; no man that I 
know of having as yet undertaken to write a general 
History or Relation ; so that there is no Commemora- 
tion of Matters respecting this War; how they began, 
how carryed on, and continued, nor what Success they 
had. * They which think the mentioning of some Par- 

* The Author Died before the Reverend Mr. William Hubbard and 
Mr. Increase Mather Published their accounts of the Pequot War. 



mason's narrative. 15 

ticulars is sufficient for the understanding of the Gen- 
eral, in my Opinion stray no less from the Truth, than 
if by the separated Parts of a living Man one should 
think by this Means he knew all the Parts and Perfec- 
tions of the Creature : But these separated Parts being 
joyned together having Form and Life, one might easily 
discern that he was deceived. 

If the Beginning be but obscure, and the Ground 
uncertain, its Continuance can hardly perswade to 
purchase belief : Or if Truth be wanting in History, it 
proves but a fruitless Discourse. 

I shall therefore, God helping, endeavour not so much 
to stir up the Affections of Men, as to declare in Truth 
and Plainness the Actions and Doings of Men ; I shall 
therefore set down Matter in order as they Began and 
were carried on and Issued ; that so I may not deceive 
the Reader in confounding of Things, but the Dis- 
course may be both Plain and Easy. 

And although some may think they have Wrote in 
a high Stile, and done some notable Thing, yet in my 
Opinion they have not spoken truly in some Particu- 
lars, and in general to little Purpose: For how can 
History find Credit, if in the Beginning you do not de- 
liver plainly and clearly from whence and how you do 
come to the Relation which you presently intend to 
make of Actions? 

As a Rule, although it hath less length and breadth, 
yet notwithstanding it retains the Name if it hath that 
which is proper to a Rule. When the Bones are Sep- 
arated from a living Creature, it becomes unservicea- 
ble: So a History, if you take away Order and Truth, 
the rest will prove to be but a vain Narration. 



16 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

I shall not make a long Discourse, nor labour to 
hold the Reader in doubt, using a multitude of Words, 
which is no sure Way to find out the Truth ; as if one 
should seek for Verity in the Current of Pratling, hav- 
ing nothing but a conceit worthy to hold the Reader 
is suspence : (Sed quo vado) In a word, the Lord was 
as it were pleased to say unto us, The Land of Canaan 
will I give unto thee though but few and Strangers in 
it: And when we went from one Nation to another, 
yea from one Kingdom to another, he suffered no Man 
to do us Wrong, but reproved Kings for our sakes: 
And so through Mercy at length we were settled in 
Peace, to the Astonishment of all that were round 
about us : unto whom be ascribed all Glory and Praise 

for ever and ever. 

Farewell 

JOHN MASON. 

Norwich, in New England, in America. 



Some Grounds of the War Against the 
Pequots. 

About the Year 1632 one Capt. Stone arrived in the 
Massachusetts in a Ship from Virginia; who shortly 
after was bound for Virginia in a small Bark with one 
Capt. Norton ; who sailing into Connecticut River 
about two Leagues from the Entrance cast Anchor ; 
there coming to them several Indians belonging to that 
Place whom the Pequots Tyrannized over, being a po- 
tent and warlike People, it being their Custom so to 
deal with their neighbour Indians ; Capt. Stone hav- 



mason's narrative. 17 

ing some occasion with the Dutch who lived at a trad- 
ing House near twenty Leagues up the River, procured 
some of those Indians to go as Pilots with two of his 
Men to the Dutch : But being benighted before they 
could come to their desired Port, put the skiff in which 
they went, ashoar, where the two Englishmen falling 
asleep, were both Murdered by their Indian Guides : 
There remaining with the Bark about twelve of the 
aforesaid Indians ; who had in all probability formerly 
plotted their bloody Design; and waiting an oppor- 
tunity when some of the English were on Shoar and 
Capt. Stone asleep in his Cabbin, set upon them and 
cruelly Murdered every one of them, plundered what 
they pleased and sunk the Bark. 

These Indians were not native Pequots, but had fre- 
quent recourse unto them, to whom they tendered some 
of those Goods, which were accepted by the Chief Sa- 
chem of the Pequots: Other of the said Goods were 
tendered to Nynigrett Sachem of Nayanticke, who also 
received them. 

The Council of the Massachusetts being informed of 
their proceedings, sent to speak with the Pequots, and 
had some Treaties with them: But being unsatisfied 
therewith, sent forth Captain John Endioot Command- 
er in Chief, with Captain Underhill, Captain Turner, 
and with them one hundred and twenty Men: who 
were firstly designed on a Service against a People liv- 
ing on Block Island, who were subject to the Narra- 
gansett Sachem ; they having taken a Bark of one Mr. 
John Oldham, Murdering him and all his Company: 
They were also to call the Pequots to an Account 
about the Murder of Capt, Stone; who arriving at 



18 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Pequot had some Conference with them; but little 
effected ; only one Indian slain and some Wigwams 
burnt. After which, the Pequots grew inraged against 
the English who inhabited Connecticut, being but a 
small Number, about two hundred and fifty, who were 
there newly arrived ; as also about twenty Men at Say- 
brook, under the Command of Lieutenant Lyon Gard- 
ner, who was there settled by several Lords and Gen- 
tlemen in England. The Pequots falling violently 
upon them, slew divers Men at Saybrook ; keeping 
almost a constant Siege upon the Place ; so that the 
English were constrained to keep within their palliza- 
do Fort ; being so hard Beset and sometimes Assaulted, 
that Capt. John Mason was sent by Connecticut Col- 
ony with twenty Men out of their small Numbers to 
secure the Place : But after his coming, there did not 
one Pequot appear in view for one Month Space, which 
was the time he there remained. 

In the Interim certain Pequots about One Hundred 
going to a Place called Weathersfield on Connecticut ; 
having formerly confederated with the Indians of that 
Place (as it was generally thought) lay in Ambush for 
the English ; divers of them going into a large Field 
adjoyning to the Town to their Labour, were there set 
upon by the Indians : Nine of the English were killed 
outright, with some Horses, and two young Women 
taken Captives. 

At their Return from Weathersfield, they came 
down the River of Connecticut (Capt. Mason being 
then at Saybrook Fort) in three Canoes with about one 
hundred Men, which River of necessity they must 
pass : We espying them, concluded they had been act- 



mason's narrative. 19 

ing some Mischief against us, made a Shot at them 
with a Piece of Ordnance, which beat off the Beak 
Head of one of their Canoes, wherein our two Captives 
were: it was at a very great distance: They then hast- 
ened, drew their Canoes over a narrow Beach with all 
speed and so got away. 

Upon which the English were somewhat dejected: 
But immediately upon this, a Court was called and 
met in Hartford the First of May, 1637,* who seriously 
considering their Condition, which did look very Sad, 
for those Pequots were a great People, being strongly 
fortified, cruel, warlike, munitioned, &c. and the En- 
glish but an handful in comparison: But their out- 
ragious Violence against the English, having Murdered 
about Thirty of them, their great Pride and Insolency, 
constant pursuit in their malicious Courses, with their 
engaging other Indians in their Quarrel against the 
English, who had never offered them the least Wrong ; 
who had in all likelihood Espoused all the Indians in 
the Country in their Quarrel, had not God by more 
than an ordinary Providence prevented : These Things 
being duly considered, witli the eminent Hazard and 
great Peril they were in ; it pleased God so to stir up 
the Hearts of all Men in general, and the Court in 
special, that they concluded some Forces should forth- 
with be sent out against the Pequots ; their Grounds 
being Just, and necessity enforcing them to engage in 
an offensive and defensive War; the Management of 
which War we are nextly to relate. 

* May i, 1637, was Monday. 



20 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

An Epitome or brief History of the 
Pequot War. 

In the Beginning of May 1637 there were sent out 
by Connecticut Colony Ninety Men under the Com- 
mand of Capt. John Mason against the Pequots, with 
Onkos an Indian Sachem living at Mohegan, * who was 
newly revolted from the Pequots; being Shipped in 
one Pink, one Pinnace, and one Shallop ; who sailing 
down the Eiver of Connecticut fell several times a 
ground, the Water being very low: The Indians not 
being wonted to such Things with their small Canoes, 
and also being impatient of Delays, desired they might 
be set on Shoar, promising that they would meet us at 
Saybrook ; which we granted : They hastening to their 
Quarters, fell upon Thirty or forty of the Enemy near 
Saybrook Fort, and killed seven of them outright ;f 
having only one of their' s wounded, who was sent 
back to Connecticut in a Skiff: Capt. John Underhill 
also coming with him, who informed us what was per- 
formed by Onkos and his Men ; which we looked at as 
a special Providence; for before we were somewhat 
doubtful of his Fidelity : Capt. Underhill then offered 
his Service with nineteen Men to go with us, if Lieu- 
tenant Gardner would allow of it, who was Chief Com- 
mander at Saybrook Fort ; which was readily approved 
of by Lieutenant Gardner and accepted by us ; In lieu 
of them we sent back twenty of our Soldiers to Con- 
necticut. 

* Onkos ; usually called Uncas, the Great Sachem of the Moheags. 
f Mr. Increase Mather, in his History of the Pequot War, says this 
was on May 15. 



mason's narrative. 21 

Upon a Wednesday we arrived at Saybrook, where 
we lay Windbound until Friday ; often consulting how 
and in what manner we should proceed in our Enter- 
prize, being altogether ignorant of the Country. At 
length we concluded, God assisting us, for Narragan- 
sett, and so to March through their Country, which 
Bordered upon the Enemy ; where lived a great People, 
it being about fifteen Leagues beyond Pequot ; The 
Grounds and Reasons of our so Acting you shall pres- 
ently understand : 

' First, The Pequots our Enemies, kept a continual 
' Guard upon the River Night and Day. 

' Secondly, their Numbers far exceeded ours ; hav- 
1 ing sixteen Guns with Powder and Shot, as we were 
' informed by the two Captives forementioned (where 
' we declared the Grounds of this War) who were taken 
'by the Dutch and restored to us at Saybrook; which 
' indeed was a very friendly Oflice and not to be for- 
' gotten. 

1 Thirdly, They were on Land, and being swift on 
' Foot, might much impede our Landing, and possibly 
' dishearten our Men ; we being expected only by Land, 
' there being no other Place to go on Shoar but in that 
' River, nearer than Narragansett. 

'Fourthly, By Narragansett we should come upon 
' their Backs, and possibly might surprize them un- 
' awares, at worst we should be on firm Land as well 
'as they.' All which proved very successful as the 
Sequel may evidently demonstrate. 

But yet for all this our Counsel, all of them except 
the Captain, were at a stand, and could not judge it 
meet to sail to Narragansett : And indeed there was a 



22 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

very strong Ground for it ; our Commission limiting us 
to land our Men in Pequot River; we had also the 
same Order by a Letter of Instruction sent us to Say- 
brook. 

But Capt. Mason apprehending an exceeding great 
Hazard in so doing, for the Reasons forementioned, as 
also some other which I shall forbear to trouble you 
with, did therefore earnestly desire Mr. Stone that he 
would commend our Condition to the Lord, that Night, 
to direct how and in what manner we should demean 
ourselves in that Respect : He being our Chaplain and 
lying aboard our Pink, the Captain on Shoar. In the 
Morning very early Mr. Stone came ashoar to the Cap- 
tain's Chamber, and told him, he had done as he had 
desired, and was fully satisfied to sail for Narragan- 
sett. 6 Our Council was then called, and the several 
Reasons alledged: In fine we all agreed with one ac- 
cord to sail for Narragansett, which the next Morning 
we put in Execution. 

I declare not this to encourage any Soldiers to Act 
beyond their Commission, or contrary to it ; for in so 
doing they run a double Hazard. There was a great 
Commander in Belgia who did the States great Service 
in taking a City ; but by going beyond his Commission 
lost his Life : His name was Grubbendunk. But if a 
War be Managed duly by Judgment and Discretion as 
is requisite, the Shews are many times contrary to 
what they seem to pursue : Whereof the more an En- 
terprize is dissembled and kept secret, the more facil 

6 Mr. J. H. Bromley, in his Oration on John Mason, suggests that 
" Mason, though a profoundly religious man, had the worldly wisdom to 
give to Mr. Stone such knowledge of the facts as to be able to lay them 
intelligently before the Lord." 



mason's narrative. 23 

to put in Execution ; as the Proverb, The farthest way 
about is sometimes the nearest way home. I shall 
make bold to present this as my present Thoughts in 
this Case ; In Matters of War, those who are both able 
and faithful should be improved ; and then bind them 
not up into too narrow a Compass: For it is not pos- 
sible for the wisest and ablest Senator to foresee all 
Accidents and Occurrents that fall out in the Manage- 
ment and Pursuit of a War : Nay although possibly he 
might be trained up in Military Affaires; and truly 
much less can he have any great Knowledge who hath 
had but little Experience therein. What shall I say? 
God led his People through many Difficulties and Turn- 
ings; yet by more than an ordinary Hand of Provi- 
dence he brought them to Canaan at last. 

On Friday Morning we set Sail for Narragansett- 
Bay, and on Saturday towards Evening we arrived at 
our desired Port, there we kept the Sabbath. 

On the Monday the Wind blew so hard at North- 
West that we could not go on Shoar ; as also on the 
Tuesday until Sun set; at which time Capt. Mason 
landed and Marched up to the Place of the Chief Sa- 
chem's Residence; who told the Sachem, 'That we 
' had not an opportunity to acquaint him with our 
1 coming Armed in his Country sooner; yet not doubt- 
' ing but it would be well accepted by him, there being 
' Love betwixt himself and us ; well knowing also that 
1 the Pequots and themselves were Enemies, and that 
4 he could not be unacquainted with those intolerable 
' Wrongs and Injuries these Pequots had lately done 
1 unto the English ; and that we were now come, God 
' assisting, to Avenge our selves upon them ; and that 



24 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

' we did only desire free Passage through his Country.' 
Who returned us this Answer, ' That he did accept of 
' our coming, and did also approve of our Design ; only 
' he thought our Numbers were too weak to deal with 
' the Enemy, who were (as he said) very great Captains 
' and Men skilful in War.' Thus he spake somewhat 
slighting of us. 

On the Wednesday Morning, we Marched from 
thence to a Place called Nayanticke, it being about 
eighteen or twenty miles distant, where another of 
those Narragansett Sachems lived in a Fort; it being a 
Frontier to the Pequots. They carryed very proudly 
towards us; not permitting any of us to come into 
their Fort. 

We beholding their Carriage and the Falsehood of 
Indians, and fearing least they might discover us to 
the Enemy, especially they having many times some 
of their near Relations among their greatest Foes ; we 
therefore caused a strong Guard to be set about their 
Fort, giving Charge that no Indian should be suffered 
to pass in or out : We also informed the Indians, that 
none of them should stir out of the Fort upon peril of 
their Lives : so as they would not suffer any of us to 
come into their Fort, so we would not suffer any of 
them to go out of the Fort. 

There we quartered that Night, the Indians not offer- 
ing to stir out all the while. 

In the Morning there came to us several of Mianto- 
mo * his Men, who told us, they were come to assist us 
in our Expedition, which encouraged divers Indians of 

, * He was usually called Miantonimo the Great Sachem of the Narra- 
gansett Indians. 



mason's narrative. 25 

that Place to Engage also; who suddenly gathering 
into a Ring, one by one, making solemn Protestations 
how galliantly they would demean themselves, and 
how many Men they would Kill. 

On the Thursday about eight of the Clock in the 
Morning, we Marched thence towards Pequot, with 
about five hundred Indians : But through the Heat of 
the Weather and want of Provisions some of our Men 
fainted : And having Marched about twelve Miles, we 
came to Pawcatuck River, at a Ford where our Indians 
told us the Pequots did usually Fish ; there making an 
Alta, we stayed some small time: The Narragansett 
Indians manifesting great Fear, in so much that many 
of them returned, although they had frequently de- 
spised us, saying, That we durst not look upon a Pe- 
quot, but themselves would perform great Things; 
though we had often told them that we came on pur- 
pose and were resolved, God assisting, to see the Pe- 
quots, and to fight with them, before we returned, 
though we perished. I then enquired of Onkos, what 
he thought the Indians would do? Who said, The 
Narragansetts would all leave us, but as for Himself 
He would never leave us : and so it proved : For which 
Expressions and some other Speeches of his, I shall 
never forget him. Indeed he was a great Friend, and 
did great Service. 

And after we had refreshed our selves with our mean 
Commons, we Marched about three Miles, and came 
to a Field which had lately been planted with Indian 
Corn: There we made another Alt, and called our 
Council, supposing we drew near to the Enemy : and 
being informed by the Indians that the Enemy had two 



26 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Forts almost impregnable ; but we were not at all Dis- 
couraged, but rather Animated, in so much that we 
were resolved to Assault both their Forts at once. But 
understanding that one of them was so remote that we 
could not come up with it before Midnight, though we 
Marched hard ; whereat we were much grieved, chiefly 
because the greatest and bloodiest Sachem there re- 
sided, whose name was Sassacous: We were then con- 
strained, being exceedingly spent in our March with 
extream Heat and want of Necessaries, to accept of the 
nearest. 

We then Marching on in a silent Manner, the In- 
dians that remained fell all into the Rear, who for- 
merly kept the Van; (being possessed with great Fear) 
we continued our March till about one Hour in the 
Night: and coming to a little Swamp between two 
Hills, there we pitched our little Camp ; much wearied 
with hard Travel, keeping great Silence, supposing we 
were very near the Fort ; as our Indians informed us ; 
which proved otherwise : The Rocks were our Pillows ; 
yet Rest was pleasant: The Night proved Comfortable, 
being clear and Moon Light : We appointed our Guards 
and placed our Sentinels at some distance ; who heard 
the Enemy Singing at the Fort, who continued that 
Strain until Midnight, with great Insulting and Re- 
joycing, as we were afterwards informed: They seeing 
our Pinnaces sail by them some Days before, concluded 
we were afraid of them and durst not come near them ; 
the Burthen of their Song tending to that purpose. 

In the Morning, we awaking and seeing it very 
light, supposing it had been day, and so we might have 
lost our Opportunity, having purposed to make our 



mason's narrative. 27 

Assault before Day; rowsed the Men with all expedi- 
tion, and briefly commended ourselves and Design to 
God, thinking immediately to go to the Assault ; the 
Indians shewing us a Path, told us that it led directly 
to the Fort. We held on our March about two Miles, 
wondering that we came not to the Fort, and fearing 
we might be deluded : But seeing Corn newly planted 
at the Foot of a great Hill, supposing the Fort was not 
far off, a Champion Country being round about us; 
then making a stand, gave the Word for some of the 
Indians to come up: At length Onkos and one We- 
quash appeared; We demanded of them, Where was 
the Fort? They answered On the Top of that Hill: 
Then we demanded, Where were the Rest of the In- 
dians? They answered, Behind, exceedingly afraid: 
We wished them to tell the rest of their Fellows, That 
they should by no means Fly, but stand at what dis- 
tance they pleased, and see whether English Men 
would now Fight or not. Then Capt. Underhill came 
up, who Marched in the Rear; and commending our- 
selves to God, divided our Men : There being two En- 
trances into the Fort, intending to enter both at once : 
Captain Mason leading up to that on the North East 
Side ; who approaching within one Rod, heard a Dog 
bark and an Indian crying Owanux ! Owanux ! which 
is Englishmen ! Englishmen ! We called up our Forces 
with all expedition, gave Fire upon them through the 
Pallizado; the Indians being in a dead indeed their 
last Sleep : Then we wheeling off fell upon the main 
Entrance, which was blocked up with Bushes about 
Breast high, over which the Captain passed, intending 
to make good the Entrance, ecouraging the rest to 



28 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

follow. Lieutenant Seeley endeavoured to enter; but 
being somewhat cumbred, stepped back and pulled out 
the Bushes and so entred, and with him about sixteen 
Men: We had formerly concluded to destroy them by 
the Sword and save the Plunder. 

Whereupon Captain Mason seeing no Indians, en- 
tred a Wigwam ; where he was beset with many In- 
dians, waiting all opportunities to lay Hands on him, 
but could not prevail. At length William Heydon 7 
espying the Breach in the Wigwam, supposing some 
English might be there, entred ; but in his Entrance 
fell over a dead Indian; but speedily recovering him- 
self, the Indians some fled, others crept under their 
Beds: The Captain going out of the Wigwam saw 
many Indians in the Lane or Street ; he making towards 
them, they fled, were pursued to the End of the Lane, 
where they were met by Edward Pattison, Thomas 
Barber, with some others ; where seven of them were 
Slain, as they said. The Captain facing about, Marched 
a slow Pace up the Lane he came down, perceiving 
himself very much out of Breath ; and coming to the 
other End near the Place where he first entred, saw 
two Soldiers standing close to the Pallizado with their 
Swords pointed to the Ground : The Captain told them 
that We should never kill them after that manner: 
The Captain also said, We must Burn them ; and im- 

' Notwithstanding the statement by Trumbull and others, that Davis 
cut the bowstring and saved the life of Mason, there is reason, well sup- 
ported by tradition, for believing that this service was performed by Hey- 
don, and that the incident occurred at this very moment. It will be seen 
that Mason entered the fort on one side, and that Davis entered on the 
opposite with Captain Underhill, and could therefore not have been near. 
The sword of Heydon that is said to have cut the bowstring is in the 
possession of the Connecticut Historical Society. 



29 

mediately stepping into the Wigwam where he had 
been before, brought out a Firebrand, and putting it 
into the Matts with which they were covered, set the 
Wigwams on Fire. Lieutenant Thomas Bull and Nich- 
olas Omsted beholding, came up; and when it was 
thoroughly kindled, the Indians ran as Men most 
dreadfully Amazed. 

And indeed such a dreadful Terror did the Almighty 
let fall upon their Spirits, that they would fly from us 
and run into the very Flames, where many of them 
perished. And when the Fort was thoroughly Fired, 
Command was given, that all should fall off and sur- 
round the Fort; which was readily attended by all; 
only one Arthur Smith being so wounded that he could 
not move out of the Place, who was happily espied by 
Lieutenant Bull, and by him rescued. 

The Fire was kindled on the North East Side to 
windward ; which did swiftly over-run the Fort, to the 
extream Amazement of the Enemy, and great Rejoycing 
of our selves. Some of them climbing to the Top of 
the Pallizado; others of them running into the very 
Flames; many of them gathering to windward, lay 
pelting at us with their Arrows ; and we repayed them 
with our small Shot: Others of the Stoutest issued 
forth, as we did guess, to the Number of Forty, who 
perished by the Sword. 

What I have formerly said, is according to my own 
Knowledge, there being sufficient living Testimony to 
every Particular. 

But in reference to Captain Underhill and his Par- 
ties acting in this Assault, I can only intimate as we 
were informed by some of themselves immediately after 



30 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

the Fight, Thus They Marching up to the Entrance on 
the South West Side, there made some Pause ; a val- 
iant, resolute Gentleman, one Mr. Hedge, stepping 
towards the Gate, saying, If We may not Enter, where- 
fore came we here ; and immediately endeavoured to 
Enter ; but was opposed by a sturdy Indian which did 
impede his Entrance ; but the Indian being slain by 
himself and Sergeant Davis, Mr. Hedge Entred the 
Fort with some others ; but the Fort being on Fire, the 
Smoak and Flames were so violent that they were con- 
strained to desert the Fort. 

Thus were they now at their Wits End, who not 
many Hours before exalted themselves in their great 
Pride, threatning and resolving the utter Ruin and 
Destruction of all the English, Exulting and Rejoycing 
with Songs and Dances: But God was above them, 
who laughed his Enemies and the Enemies of his 
People to Scorn, making them as a fiery Oven: Thus 
were the Stout Hearted spoiled, having slept their last 
Sleep, and none of their Men could find their Hands : 
Thus did the Lord judge among the Heathen, filling 
the Place with dead Bodies ! 

And here we may see the just Judgment of God, in 
sending even the very Night before this Assault, One 
hundred and fifty Men from their other Fort, to join 
with them of that Place, who were designed as some 
of themselves reported to go forth against the English, 
at that very Instant when this heavy Stroak came upon 
them where they perished with their Fellows. So that 
the Mischief they intended to us, came upon their own 
Pate: They were taken in their own snare, and we 
through Mercy escaped. And thus in little more than 



mason's narrative. 31 

one Hour's space was their impregnable Fort with 
themselves utterly Destroyed, to the Number of six or 
seven Hundred, as some of themselves confessed. 
There were only seven taken captive, and about seven 
escaped. * 

Of the English, there were two Slain outright, and 
about twenty Wounded: Some Fainted by reason of 
the sharpness of the Weather, it being a cool Morning, 
and the want of such Comforts and Necessaries as were 
needful in such a Case ; especially our Chyrurgeon 8 was 
much wanting, whom we left with our Barks in Nar- 
ragansett Bay, who had Order there to remain until 
the Night before our intended Assault. 

And thereupon grew many Difficulties : Our Provis- 
ion and Munition near spent ; we in the enemies Coun- 
try, who did far exceed us in Number, being much en- 
raged: all our Indians, except Onkos, deserting us; 
our Pinnaces at a great distance from us, and when 
they would come we were uncertain. 

But as we were consulting what Course to take, it 
pleased God to discover our Vessels to us before a fair 
Gale of Wind, sailing into Pequot Harbour, to our 
great Rejoycing. 

We had no sooner discovered our Vessels, but imme- 
diately came up the Enemy from the other Fort ; Three 
Hundred or more as we conceived. The Captain lead 
out a file or two of Men to Skirmish with them, chiefly 
to try what temper they were of, who put them to a 

* The place of the Fort being called Mistick, this Fight was called 
Mistick Fight: And Mr. Increase Mather, from a Manuscript he met with, 
tells us; It was on Friday, May 26. 1637, a memorable Day! 

8 This surgeon, whose name was Pell, had been attached to Saybrook 
Fort, and was sent on the expedition by Gardener. 



32 HISTOEY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

stand: we being much encouraged thereat, presently 
prepared to March towards our Vessels : Four or Five 
of our Men were so wounded that they must be carried 
with the Arms of twenty more. We also being faint, 
were constrained to put four to one Man, with the 
Arms of the rest that were wounded to others ; so that 
we had not above forty Men free : at length we hired 
several Indians, who eased us of that Burthen, in car- 
rying of our wounded Men. And Marching about one 
quarter of a Mile ; the Enemy coming up to the Place 
where the Fort was, and beholding what was done, 
stamped and tore the Hair from their Heads: And 
after a little space, came mounting down the Hill upon 
us, in a full career, as if they would over run us ; But 
when they came within Shot, the Rear faced about, 
giving Fire upon them : Some of them being Shot, made 
the rest more wary : Yet they held on running to and 
fro, and shooting their Arrows at Random. There was 
at the Foot of the Hill a small Brook, where we rested 
and refreshed our selves, having by that time taught 
them a little more Manners than to disturb us. 

We then Marched on towards Pequot Harbour ; and 
falling upon several Wigwams, burnt them : The Ene- 
my still following us in the Rear, which was to wind- 
ward, though to little purpose; yet some of them lay 
in Ambush behind Rocks and Trees, often shooting at 
us, yet through Mercy touched not one of us ; And as 
we came to any Swamp or Thicket, we made some Shot 
to clear the Passage. Some of them fell with our Shot ; 
and probably more might, but for want of Munition: 
But when any of them fell, our Indians would give a 
great Shout, and then would they take so much Cour- 



mason's narrative. 33 

age as to fetch their Heads. And thus we continued, 
until we came within two Miles of Pequot Harbour; 
where the Enemy gathered together and left us ; we 
Marching on to the Top of an Hill adjoining to the 
Harbour, with our Colours flying ; having left our Drum 
at the Place of our Rendezvous the Night before : We 
seeing our Vessels there Riding at Anchor, to our great 
Rejoycing, and came to the Water-Side, we there sat 
down in Quiet. 

Captain Patrick being Arrived there with our Ves- 
sels, who as we were informed was sent with Forty 
Men by the Massachusetts Colony, upon some Service 
against the Block Islanders ; Who coming to the Shore 
in our Shallop with all his Company, as he said to Res- 
cue us, supposing we were pursued, though there did 
not appear any the least sign of such a Thing. 

But we could not prevail with Him by any Means to 
put his Men ashore, that so we might carry our 
Wounded Men a Board ; although it was our own Boat 
in which he was : We were very much Troubled ; but 
knew not how to help our selves. At length we were 
fetched a Board to the great Rejoycing of our Friends. 

Shorty after our coming a Board, there fell out a 
great Contest between Captain Underhill and Capt. 
Patrick : Captain Underhill claiming an Interest in 
the Bark where Captain Patrick was, which indeed 
was Underhill' s Right ; The Contest grew to a great 
Heighth. At length we propounded, that if Patrick 
would Ride there with that Bark in Contention, and 
secure the Narragansett Indians, it being also the 
Place of Rendezvous to those Vessels that were ex- 
pected from Massachuset, until we Transported our 



34 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Wounded Men to Saybrook five Leagues distant ; then 
we would immediately return our Pink to convey the 
Narragansetts home: The which Captain Patrick 
seemed very readily to accept. 

Capt. Underhill soon after set sail in one of our 
Barks for Saybrook: But before he was out of Sight; 
Captain Patrick signified by Writing, that he could 
not attend that Service, but he must wait for the Bay 
Vessels at Saybrook, wishing us, having the Honour 
of that Service to compleat it, by securing the Narra- 
gansett Indians ; which at first seemed very Difficult, 
if not Impossible: For our Pink could not receive 
them, and to march by Land was very Dangerous ; it 
being near twenty Miles in the Enemies Country, our 
Numbers being much weakened, we were then about 
twenty Men ; the rest we had sent home for fear of the 
Pequots Invasion. But absolutely neccesitated to 
March by Land, we hasted ashore, with our Indians 
and small Numbers. Captain Patrick seeing what we 
intended, came ashore also with his Men; although in 
truth we did not desire or delight in his Company, and 
so we plainly told him: However he would and did 
March a long with us. 

About the midway between that and Saybrook, we 
fell upon a People called Nayanticks, belonging to the 
Pequots, who fled to a Swamp for Refuge : They hear- 
ing or espying of us, fled : we pursued them a while by 
the Track, as long as they kept together: But being 
much spent with former Travel, and the Sabbath 
drawing on, it being about Two or Three of the Clock 
on the Saturday in the Afternoon; we leaving our 
Pursuit, hasted towards Saybrook, about Sun set we 



mason's narrative. 35 

Arrived at Connecticut River Side ; being nobly Enter- 
tained by Lieutenant Gardner with many great Guns : 
But were forced there to Quarter that Night : On the 
Morrow we were all fetched over to Saybrook, receiv- 
ing many Courtesies from Lieut. Gardner. 

And when we had taken Order for the safe Conduct 
of the Narragansett Indians, we repaired to the Place 
of our Abode : where we were Entertained with great 
Triumph and Rejoycing and Praising God for his 
Goodness to us, in succeeding our weak Endeavours, 
in Crowning us with Success, and restoring of us with 
so little Loss. Thus was God seen in the Mount, 
Crushing his proud Enemies and the Enemies of his 
People : They who were ere while a Terror to all that 
were round about them, who resolved to Destroy all 
the English and to Root their very Name out of this 
Country, should by such weak Means, even Seventy 
seven (there being no more at the Fort) bring the Mis- 
chief they plotted, and the Violence they offered and 
exercised, upon their own Heads in a Moment: burn- 
ing them up in the fire of his Wrath, and dunging the 
Ground with their Flesh: It was the Lord's Doings, 
and it is marvellous in our Eyes ! It is He that hath 
made his Work wonderful, and therefore ought to be 
remembred. 

Immediately the whole Body of Pequots repaired to 
that Fort where Sessacous the Chief Sachem did re- 
side ; charging him that he was the only Cause of all 
the Troubles that had befallen them; and therefore 
they would Destroy both him and his : But by the In,- 
treaty of their Counsellors they spared his Life ; and 
consulting what Course to take, concluded there was 



36 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

no abiding any longer in their Country, and so resolved 
to fly into several Parts. The greatest Body of them 
went towards Manhatance : * And passing over Con- 
necticut, they met with three English Men in a Shal- 
lop going for Saybrook, whom they slew : The English 
Fought very stoutly, as themselves confessed, Wound- 
ing many of the Enemy. 

About a Fortnight after our Return home, which 
was about one Month after the Fight at Mistick, there 
Arrived in Pequot River several Vessels from the Mas- 
sachusetts, Captain Israel Stoughton being Commander 
in Chief ; and with him about One hundred and twen- 
ty Men ; being sent by that Colony to pursue the War 
against the Pequots : The Enemy being all fled before 
they came, except some few Straglers, who were sur- 
prised by the Moheags and others of the Indians, and 
by them delivered to the Massachusetts Soldiers. 

Connecticut Colony being inf ormed hereof, sent forth- 
with forty Men, Captain Mason being Chief Command- 
er; with some other Gent, to meet those of the Mas- 
sachusetts, to consider what was necessary to be 
attended respecting the future : Who meeting with 
them of the Massachusetts in Pequot Harbour; after 
some time of consultation, concluded to pursue those 
Pequots that were fled towards Manhatance, and so 
forthwith Marched after them, discovering several 
Places where they Rendezvoused and lodged not far 
distant from their several Removes ; making but little 
haste, by reason of their Children, and want of Provis- 
ion; being forced to dig for Clams, and to procure 

* I suppose this the same which is sometimes called Manhatan or 
Manhatoes ; which is since called New York. 



mason's narrative. 37 

such other things as the Wilderness afforded: Our 
Vessels sailing along by the Shore. In about the space 
of three Days we all Arrived at New Haven Harbour, 
then called Quinnypiag. And seeing a great Smoak 
in the Woods not far distant, we supposing some of 
the Pequots our Enemies might be there ; we hastened 
ashore, but quickly discovered them to be Connecticut 
Indians. Then we returned aboard our Vessels, where 
we stayed some short time, having sent a Pequot Cap- 
tive upon discovery, we named him Luz ; who brought 
us Tydings of the Enemy, which proved true: so faith- 
ful was he to us, though against his own Nation. Such 
was the Terror of the English upon them ; that a Mo- 
heage Indian named Jack Eatow going ashore at that 
time, met with three Pequots, took two of them and 
brought them aboard. 

We then hastened our march towards the Place 
where the Enemy was : And coming into a Corn Field, 
several of the English espyed some Indians, who fled 
from them : They pursued them ; and coming to the 
Top of an Hill, saw several Wigwams just opposite, 
only a Swamp intervening, which was almost divided 
in two Parts. Sergeant Palmer hastening with about 
twelve Men who were under his Command to surround 
the smaller Part of the Swamp, that so He might pre- 
vent the Indians flying; Ensign Danport,* Sergeant 
Jeffries &c, entering the Swamp, intended to have gone 
to the Wigwams, were there set upon by several In- 
dians, who in all probability were deterred by Sergeant 
Palmer. In this Skirmish the English slew but few; 

* It should be Davenport, who was afterwards Captain of the Castle 
in Boston Harbour. 



38 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

two or three of themselves were Wounded : The rest of 
the English coming up, the Swamp was surrounded. 

Our Council being called, and the Question pro- 
pounded, How we should proceed, Captain Patrick ad- 
vised that we should cut down the Swamp ; there being 
many Indian Hatchets taken, Captain Traske concur- 
ring with him ; but was opposed by others : Then we 
must pallizado the Swamp; which was also opposed: 
Then they would have a Hedge made like those of 
Gotham ; all which was judged by some almost impos- 
sible, and to no purpose, and that for several Reasons, 
and therefore strongly opposed. But some others ad- 
vised to force the Swamp, having time enough, it being 
about three of the Clock in the Afternoon : But that 
being opposed, it was then propounded to draw up our 
Men close to the Swamp, which would much have less- 
ened the Circumference; and with all to fill up the 
open Passages with Bushes, that so we might secure 
them until the Morning, and then we might consider 
further about it. But neither of these would pass ; so 
different were our Apprehensions ; which was very 
grievous to some of us, who concluded the Indians 
would make an Escape in the Night, as easily they 
might and did : We keeping at a great distance, what 
better could be expected? Yet Captain Mason took 
Order that the Narrow in the Swamp should be cut 
through; which did much shorten our Leaguer. It 
was resolutely performed by Serjeant Davis. 

We being loth to destroy Women and Children, as 
also the Indians belonging to that Place ; whereupon 
Mr. Tho. Stanton a Man well acquainted with Indian 
Language and Manners, offered his Service to go into 



mason's narrative. 39 

the Swamp and treat with them : To which we were 
somewhat backward, by reason of some Hazard and 
Danger he might be exposed unto : But his importunity 
prevailed : Who going to them, did in a short time re- 
turn to us, with near Two Hundred old Men, Women 
and Children ; who delivered themselves, to the Mercy 
of the English. And so Night drawing on, we belea- 
guered them as strongly as we could. About half an 
Hour before Day, the Indians that were in the Swamp 
attempted to break through Captain Patrick's Quar- 
ters ; but were beaten back several times ; they making 
a great Noise, as their Manner is at such Times, it 
sounded round about our Leaguer: Whereupon Cap- 
tain Mason sent Sergeant Stares to inquire into the 
Cause, and also to assist if need required ; Capt. Traske 
coming also in to their Assistance: But the Tumult 
growings to a very great Heigh th, we raised our Siege ; 
and Marching up to the Place, at a Turning of the 
Swamp the Indians were forcing out upon us ; but we 
sent them back by our small Shot. 

We waiting a little for a second Attempt ; the In- 
dians in the mean time facing about, pressed violently 
upon Captain Patrick, breaking through his Quarters, 
and so escaped. They were about sixty or seventy as 
we were informed. We afterwards searched the 
Swamp, and found but few Slain. The Captives we 
took were about One Hundred and Eighty ; whom we 
divided, intending to keep them as Servants, but they 
could not endure that Yoke ; few of them continuing 
any considerable time with their masters. 

Thus did the Lord scatter his Enemies with his 
strong Ann ! The Pequots now became a Prey to all 



40 HISTOKY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Indians. Happy were they that could bring in their 
Heads to the English: Of which there came almost 
daily to Winsor, or Hartford. But the Pequots grow- 
ing weary hereof, sent some of the Chief that survived 
to mediate with the English; offering that If they 
might but enjoy their Lives, they would become the 
English Vassals, to dispose of them as they pleased. 
Which was granted them. Whereupon Onkos and 
Myantonimo were sent for ; who with the Pequots met 
at Hartford. The Pequots being demanded, how many 
of them were then living? Answered, about One Hun- 
dred and Eighty, or two Hundred. There were then 
given to Onkos, Sachem of Monheag, Eighty ; to Myan- 
tonimo, Sachem of Narragansett, Eighty; and to Ny- 
nigrett, * Twenty, when he should satisfy for a Mare 
of Edward Pomroye's killed by his Men. The Pequots 
were then bound by Covenant, That none should in- 
habit their native Country, nor should any of them be 
called Pequots any more, but Moheags and Narragan- 
setts forever. Shortly after, about Forty of them went 
to Moheag ; others went to Long Island ; the rest set- 
tled at Pawcatuck, a Place in Pequot Country, con- 
trary to their late Covenant and Agreement with the 
English. 

Which Connecticut taking into Consideration, and 
well weighing the several Inconveniences that might 
ensue ; for the Prevention whereof, they sent out forty 
Men under the command of Captain John Mason, to 
supplant them, by burning their Wigwams, and bring- 
ing away their Corn, except they would desert the 
Place : Onkos with about One Hundred of his Men in 

* He was usually called Ninnicraft. 



41 

twenty Canoes, going also to assist in the Service. As 
we sailed into Pawcatuck-Bay We met with three of 
those Indians, whom we sent to inform the rest with 
the end of our coming, and also that we desired to 
speak with some of them : They promised speedily to 
return us an Answer, but never came to us more. 

We run our Vessel up into a small River, and by 
reason of Flatts were forced to land on the West Side ; 
their Wigwams being on the East just opposite, where 
we could see the Indians running up and down Jeer- 
ing of us. But we meeting with a narrow place in the 
River between two rocks, drew up our Indians Canoes, 
and got suddenly over sooner than we were expected 
or desired; Marching immediately up to their Wig- 
wams; the Indians being all fled, except some old 
People that could not. 

We were so suddenly upon them that they had not 
time to convey away their Goods: We viewed their 
Corn, whereof there was Plenty, it being their time of 
Harvest: And coming down to the Water Side to our 
Pinnace with half of Onkos' s his Men, the rest being 
plundering the Wigwams ; we looking towards a Hill 
not far remote, we espyed about sixty Indians running 
towards us ; we supposing they were our absent Men, 
the Moheags that were with us not speaking one word, 
nor moving towards them until the other came within 
thirty or forty paces of them ; then they run and met 
them and fell on pell mell striking and cutting with 
Bows, Hatchets, Knives, &c. after their feeble Man- 
ner: Indeed it did hardly deserve the Name of Fight- 
ing. We then endeavoured to get between them and 
the Woods, that so we might prevent their flying; 



42 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

which they perceiving, endeavoured speedily to get off 
under the beach : we made no Shot at them, nor any 
hostile Attempt upon them. Only seven of them who 
were Nynigrett's Men, were taken. Some of them 
growing very outrageous, whom we intended to have 
made shorter by the Head ; and being about to put it 
in Execution; one Otash a Sachem of Narragansett, 
Brother to Myantonimo stepping forth, told the Cap- 
tain, They were his Brother' s Men, and that he was a 
Friend to the English, and if he would spare their 
Lives we should have as many Murtherer's Heads in 
lieu of them which should be delivered to the English. 
We considering that there was no Blood shed as yet, 
and that it tended to Peace and Mercy, granted his 
Desire ; and so delivered them to Onkos to secure them 
until his Engagement was performed, because our 
Prison had been very much pestered with such Creat- 
ures. 

We then drew our Bark into a Creek, the better to 
defend her; for there were many Hundreds, within 
five Miles waiting upon us. There we Quartered that 
Night : In the Morning as soon as it was Light there 
appeared in Arms at least Three Hundred Indians on 
the other Side the Creek : Upon which we stood to our 
Anns ; which they perceiving, some of them fled, others 
crept behind the Rocks and Trees, not one of them to 
be seen. We then called to them, saying, We desired 
to speak with them, and that we would down our Arms 
for that end : Whereupon they stood up : We then in- 
formed them, That the Pequots had violated their 
Promise with the English, in that they were not there 
to inhabit, and that we were sent to supplant them : 



43 

They answered saying, The Pequots were good Men, 
their Friends, and they would Fight for them, and 
protect them: At which we were somewhat moved, 
and told them, It was not far to the Head of the Creek 
where we would meet them, and then they might try 
what they could do in that Respect. 

They then replied, That they would not Fight with 
English Men, for they were Spirits, but would Fight 
with Onkos. We replyed, That we thought it was too 
early for them to Fight, but they might take their op- 
portunity ; we should be burning Wigwams, and car- 
rying Corn aboard all that Day. And presently beat- 
ing up our Drum, we Fired the Wigwams in their View : 
And as we Marched, there were two Indians standing 
upon a Hill jeering and reviling of us: Mr. Thomas 
Stanton our Interpreter, Marching at Liberty, desired 
to make a Shot at them; the Captain demanding of 
the Indians. What they were? Who said, They were 
Murtherers: Then the said Stanton having leave, let 
fly, Shot one of them through both his Thighs ; which 
was to our Wonderment, it being at such a vast 
distance. 

We then loaded our Bark with Corn ; and our In- 
dians their Canoes: And thirty more which we had 
taken, with Kittles, Trays, Mats, and other Indian 
Luggage, That Night we went all aboard, and set Sail 
homeward : It pleased God in a short Time to bring us 
all in safety to the Place of our Abode ; although we 
strook and stuck upon a Rock. The Way and Manner 
how God dealt with us in our Delivery was very Remark- 
able ; The Story would be somewhat long to trouble 
you with at this time ; and therefore I shall forbear. 



44 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Thus we may see, How the Face of God is set against 
them that do Evil, to cut off the Remembrance of them 
from the Earth. Our Tongue shall talk of thy Right- 
eousness all the Day long; for they are confounded, 
they are brought to Shame that sought our Hurt! 
Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who only doth 
wondrous Things; and blessed be his holy Name for 
ever: Let the whole Earth be filled with his Glory! 
Thus the Lord was pleased to smite our Enemies in 
the hinder Parts, and to give us their Land for an In- 
heritance : Who remembred us in our low Estate, and 
redeemed us out of our Enemies Hands: Let us there- 
fore praise the Lord for his Goodness and his wonder- 
ful Works to the Children of Men ! 



ADDITION. 

I shall add a Word or two by way of 
Coment. 

Our Commons were very short, there being a general 
scarcity throughout the Colony of all sorts of Provis- 
ion, it being upon our first Arrival at the Place. We 
had but one Pint of strong Liquors among us in our 
whole March, but what the Wilderness afforded ; (the 
Bottle of Liquor being in my Hand) and when it was 
empty, the very smelling to the Bottle would presently 
recover such as Fainted away, which happened by the 
extremity of the Heat: And thus we Marched on in an 
uncoath and unknown Path to the English, though 
much frequented by Indians. And was not the Finger 



mason's narrative. 45 

of God in all this? By his special Providence to lead 
us along in the Way we should go : Nay though we 
knew not where their Forts were, how far it was to 
them, nor the Way that led to them, but by what we 
had from our Indian Guides; whom we could not con- 
fide in, but looked at them as uncertain : And yet not- 
withstanding all our Doubts, we should be brought on 
the very fittest Season; nay and which is yet more, 
that we should be carried in our March among a 
treacherous and perfidious People, yea in our allodg- 
ment so near the Enemy, all Night in so populous a 
Country, and not the least notice of us; seemeth some- 
what strange, and more than ordinary : Nay that we 
should come to their very Doors : What shall I say : 
God was pleased to hide us in the Hollow of his Hand; 
I still remember a Speech of Mr. Hooker at our going 
aboard ; That they should be Bread for us. And thus 
when the Lord turned the Captivity of his People, and 
turned the Wheel upon their Enemies ; we were like 
Men in a Dream; then was our Mouth filled with 
Laughter, and our Tongues with Singing; thus we 
may say the Lord hath done great Things for us among 
the Heathen, whereof we are glad. Praise ye the 
Lord! 

I shall mention two or three special Providences that 
God was pleased to vouchsafe to Particular Men ; viz. 
two Men, being one Man's Servants, namely, John 
Dier and Thomas Stiles, were both of them Shot in 
the Knots of their Handkerchiefs, being about their 
Necks, and received no Hurt. Lieutenant Seeley was 
Shot in the Eyebrow with a flat headed Arrow, the 
Point turning downwards: I pulled it out myself. 



46 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Lieutenant Bull had an Arrow Shot into a hard piece 
of Cheese, having no other Defence : Which may veri- 
fy the old Saying, A little Armour would serve if a 
Man knew where to place it. Many such Providences 
happened ; some respecting my self ; but since there is 
none that Witness to them, I shall forbear to mention 
them. 

The Year ensuing, the Colony being in extream Want 
of Provision, many giving twelve Shillings for one 
Bushel of Indian Corn; the Court of Connecticut im- 
ploying Captain Mason, Mr. William Wadsworth and 
Deacon Stebbin, to try what Providence would afford, 
for their Belief in this great Straight : Who notwith- 
standing some discouragement they met with from 
some English, went to a Place called Pocomtuck : * 
where they procured so much Corn at reasonable Bates, 
that the Indians brought down to Hartford and Wind- 
sor, Fifty Canoes laden with Corn at one time. Never 
was the like known to this Day ! So although the Lord 
was pleased to shew his People hard Things ; yet did 
he execute Judgment for the Oppressed, and gave Food 
to the Hungry/ O let us meditate on the Great Works 
of God : Ascribing all Blessing and Praise to his Great 
Name, for all his Great Goodness and Salvation! 
Amen, Amen. 

FINIS. 

* Since called Deerfield. 



NEVVES FROM 

AMERICA; 

OR, 

A NEW AND EXPERI- 
MENTAL^ DISCOVERIE OF 

New England; 
containing, 

A TRVE RELATION OF THEIR 

War-like proceedings these two yeares last 

past, with a Figure of the Indian Fort, 



or Palizado. 



Also a discovery of these ") 
places, that as yet have 
very few or no Inhabi- 
tants, which would yeeld 
speciall accommodation 
to such as will Plant 
there, 



Viz 



Queenapoick. 
Agu-wom. 
Hudson's River. 
Long Island. 
Nahanticut. 
Martins Vineyard. 
Pequet. 

Naransett Bay. 
Elizabeth Islands. 
Puscataway. 

Casko, with about a hun- 
dred Islands nee re to 
Casko. 



By Captaine Iohn Underhill, a Commander 
in the Warres there. 



LONDON, 

Printed by_/. D. for Peter Cole, and are to be sold at the signe 

of the Glove in Corne-hill neere the 

Royall Exchange. 1638. 



[Capt. John Underhill, the author of this History of the Pequot War, 
was one of the first planters of Massachusetts, one of the three first depu- 
ties from Boston to the General Court, and one of the earliest officers of 
the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. Further particulars of 
his chequered life and eccentric character may be found in Eliot's Bio- 
graphical Dictionary, and more abundantly in Gov. Winthrop's History of 
New England. 

The following Tract being exceedingly rare, only one copy being known 
to exist on this side of the Atlantic, belonging to the Library of Harvard 
University, it was thought desirable to perpetuate it by multiplying copies 
of it in our Historical Collections. * * * * Publishing Committee, 
Mass. Hist. Soc] 



News from America, or a late and 

experimental discovery of New England. 



I shall not spend time (for my other occasions will 
not permit) to write largely of every particular, but 
shall, as briefly as I may, perform these two things; 
first, give a true narration of the warlike proceedings 
that hath been in New England these two years last 
past; secondly, I shall discover to the reader divers 
places in New England, that would afford special accom- 
modations to such persons as will plant upon them. I 
had not time to do either of these as they deserved ; 
but wanting time to do it as the nature of the thing 
required, I shall, according to my ability, begin with 
a relation of our warlike proceedings, and will inter- 
weave the special places fit for new plantations, with 
their description, as I shall find occasion, in the fol- 
lowing discourse. But I shall, according to my prom- 
ise, begin with a true relation of the New England 
wars against the Block Islanders, and that insolent 
and barbarous nation, called the Pequeats, whom, by 
the sword of the Lord, and a few feeble instruments, 
soldiers not accustomed to war, were drove out of their 
country, and slain by the sword, to the number of fif- 
teen hundred souls, in the space of two months and 
less; so as their country is fully subdued and fallen 



50 HISTOEY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

into the hands of the English. And to the end that 
God's name might have the glory, and his people see 
his power, and magnify his honor for his great good- 
ness, I have endeavored, according to my weak ability, 
to set forth the full relation of the war, from the first 
rise to the end of the victory. 

The cause of our war against the Block Islanders, 
was for taking away the life of one Master John Old- 
ham, who made it his common course to trade amongst 
the Indians. He coming to Block Island to drive 
trade with them, the islanders came into his boat, and 
having got a full view of commodities which gave them 
good content, consulted how they might destroy him 
and his company, to the end they might clothe their 
bloody flesh with his lawful garments. The Indians 
having laid the plot, into the boat they came to trade, 
as they pretended; watching their opportunities, 
knocked him in the head, and martyred him most bar- 
barously, to the great grief of his poor distressed serv- 
ants, which by the providence of God were saved. 
This island lying in the road way to Lord Sey and the 
Lord Brooke's plantation, a certain seaman called to 
John Gallop, master of the small navigation standing 
along to the Mathethusis Bay, and seeing a boat under 
sail close aboard the island, and perceiving the sails 
to be unskilfully managed, bred in him a jealousy, 
whether that the island Indians had not bloodily taken 
the life of our countrymen, and made themselves mas- 
ter of their goods. Suspecting this, he bore up to 
them, and approaching near them was confirmed that 
his jealousy was just. Seeing Indians in the boat, 
and knowing her to be the vessel of Master Oldham, 



underhill's narrative. 51 

and not seeing him there, gave fire upon them and 
slew some; others leaped overboard, besides two of 
the number which he preserved alive and brought to 
the Bay. The blood of the innocent called for venge- 
ance. God stirred up the heart of the honored Gov- 
ernor, Master Henry Vane, and the rest of the worthy 
Magistrates, to send forth a hundred well appointed 
soldiers, under the conduct of Captain John Hendicot, 
and in company with him that had command, Captain 
John Underbill, Captain Nathan Turner, Captain 
William Jenningson, besides other inferior officers. I 
would not have the world wonder at the great number 
of commanders to so few men, but know that the In- 
dians' fight far differs from the Christian practice ; for 
they most commonly divide themselves into small 
bodies, so that we are forced to neglect our usual way, 
and to subdivide our divisions to answer theirs, and 
not thinking it any disparagement to any captain to 
go forth against an enemy with a squadron of men, 
taking the ground from the old and ancient practice, 
when they chose captains of hundreds and captains of 
thousands, captains of fifties and captains of tens. 
We conceive a captain signifieth the chief in way of 
command of any body committed to his charge for the 
time being, whether of more or less, it makes no mat- 
ter in power, though in honor it does. Coming to an 
anchor before the island, we espied an Indian walking 
by the shore in a desolate manner, as though he had 
received intelligence of our coming. Which Indian 
gave just ground to some to conclude that the body of 
the people had deserted the island. 

But some knowing them for the generality to be a 



52 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

warlike nation, a people that spend most of their time 
in the study of warlike policy, were not persuaded that 
they would upon so slender terms forsake the island, 
but rather suspected they might lie behind a bank, 
much like the form of a barricado. Myself with 
others rode with a shallop, made towards the shore, 
having in the boat a dozen armed soldiers. Drawing 
near to the place of landing, the number that rose 
from behind the barricado were between fifty or sixty 
able fighting men, men as straight as arrows, very 
tall, and of active bodies, having their arrows notched. 
They drew near to the water side, and let fly at the 
soldiers, as though they had meant to have made an 
end of us all in a moment. They shot a young gentle- 
man in the neck through a collar, for stiffness as if it 
had been an oaken board, and entered his flesh a good 
depth. Myself received an arrow through my coat 
sleeve, a second against my helmet on the forehead ; 
so as if God in his providence had not moved the heart 
of my wife to persuade me to carry it along with me, 
(which I was unwilling to do), I had been slain. Give 
me leave to observe two things from hence ; first, when 
the hour of death is not yet come, you see God useth 
weak means to keep his purpose unviolated ; secondly, 
let no man despise advice and counsel of his wife, 
though she be a woman. It were strange to nature to 
think a man should be bound to fulfil the humor of a 
woman, what arms he should carry ; but you see God 
will have it so, that a woman should overcome a man. 
What with Delilah's flattery, and with her mournful 
tears, they must and will have their desire, when the 
hand of God goes along in the matter; and this is to 



UNDERBILLS NARRATIVE. 53 

accomplish his own will. Therefore let the clamor bn 
quenched I daily hear in my ears, that New England 
men usurp over their wives, and keep them in servile 
subjection. The country is wronged in this matter, 
as in many things else. Let this precedent satisfy the 
doubtful, for that comes from the example of a rude 
soldier. If they be so courteous to their wives, as to 
take their advice in warlike matters, how much more 
kind is the tender, affectionate husband to honor his 
wife as the weaker vessel? Yet mistake not. I say not 
that they are bound to call their wives in council, 
though they are bound to take their private advice (so 
far as they see it make for their advantage and their 
good); instance Abraham. But to the matter. The 
arrows flying thick about us, we made haste to the 
shore ; but the surf of the sea being great, hindered us, 
so as we could scarce discharge a musket, but were 
forced to make haste to land. Drawing near the 
shore through the strength of wind, and the hollow - 
ness of the sea, we durst not adventure to run ashore, 
but were forced to wade up to the middle; but once 
having got up off our legs, we gave fire upon them. 
They finding our bullets to outreach their arrows, they 
fled before us. In the meanwhile Colonel Hindecot 
made to the shore, and some of this number also re- 
pulsed him at his landing, but hurt none. We thought 
they would stand it out with us, but they perceiving 
we were in earnest, fled; and left their wigwams, or 
houses, and provision to the use of our soldiers. Hav- 
ing set forth our sentinels, and laid out our pardues, 
we betook ourselves to the guard, expecting hourly 
they would fall upon us; but they observed the old 



54 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

rule, 'Tis good sleeping in a whole skin, and left us 
free from an alarm. 

The next day we set upon our march, the Indians 
being retired into swamps, so as we could not find 
them. We burnt and spoiled both houses and corn in 
great abundance ; but they kept themselves in obscur- 
ity. Captain Turner stepping aside to a swamp, met 
with some few Indians, and charged upon them, chang- 
ing some few bullets for arrows. Himself received a 
shot upon the breast of his corselet, as if it had been 
pushed with a pike, and if he had not had it on, he 
had lost his life. 

A pretty passage worthy observation. We had an 
Indian with us that was an interpreter; being in 
English clothes, and a gun in his hand, was spied by 
the islanders, which called out to him, What are you, 
an Indian or an Englishman? Come hither, saith he, 
and I will tell you. He pulls up his cock and let fly 
at one of them, and without question was the death of 
him. Having spent that day in burning and spoiling 
the island, we took up the quarter for that night. 
About midnight myself went out with ten men about 
two miles from our quarter, and discovered the most 
eminent plantation they had in the island, where was 
much corn, many wigwams, and great heaps of mats; 
but fearing less we should make an alarm by setting 
fire on them, we left them as we found them, and 
peaceably departed to our quarter ; and the next morn- 
ing with forty men marched up to the same plantation, 
burnt their houses, cut down their corn, destroyed 
some of their dogs instead of men, which they left in 
their wigwams. 



underbill's narrative. 55 

Passing on toward the water side to embark our sol- 
diers, we met with several famous wigwams, with great 
heaps of pleasant corn ready shelled; but not able to 
bring it away, we did throw their mats upon it, and 
set fire and burnt it. Many well-wrought mats our 
soldiers brought from thence, and several delightful 
baskets. We being divided into two parts, the rest of 
the body met with no less, I suppose, than ourselves 
did. The Indians playing least in sight, we spent our 
time, and could no more advantage ourselves than we 
had already done, and having slain some fourteen, 
and maimed others, we embarked ourselves, and set 
sail for Seasbrooke fort, where we lay through distress 
of weather four days ; then we departed. 

The Pequeats having slain one Captain Norton, and 
Captain Stone, with seven more of their company, 
order was given us to visit them, sailing along the Na- 
hanticot shore with five vessels. The Indians spying 
of us came running in multitudes along the water side, 
crying, What cheer, Englishmen, what cheer, what do 
you come for? They not thinking we intended war, 
went on cheerfully until they come to Pequeat river. 
We thinking it the best way, did forbear to answer 
them; first, that we might the better be able to run 
through the work; secondly, that by delaying of them, 
we might drive them in security, to the end we might 
have the more advantage of them. But they seeing 
we would make no answer, kept on their course, and 
cried, What, Englishmen, what cheer, what cheer, are 
you hoggery, will you cram us? That is, are you an- 
gry, will you kill us, and do you come to fight? That 
night the Nahanticot Indians, and the Pequeats, made 



56 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

fire on both sides of the river, fearing we would land 
in the night. They made most doleful and woful 
cries all the night, (so that we could scarce rest) hal- 
looing one to another, and giving the word from place 
to place, to gather their forces together, fearing the 
English were come to war against them. 

The next morning they sent early aboard an ambas- 
sador, a grave senior, a man of good understanding, 
portly carriage, grave and majestical in his expres- 
sions. He demanded of us what the end of our com- 
ing was. To which we answered, that the governors 
of the Bay sent us to demand the heads of those per- 
sons that had slain Captain Norton and Captain Stone, 
and the rest of their company, and that it was not the 
custom of the English to suffer murderers to live ; and 
therefore, if they desired their own peace and welfare, 
they will peaceably answer our expectation, and give 
us the heads of the murderers. 

They being a witty and ingenious nation, their am- 
bassador labored to excuse the matter, and answered, 
We know not that any of ours have slain any English. 
True it is, saith he, we have slain such a number of 
men ; but consider the ground of it. Not long before 
the coming of these English into the river, there was 
a certain vessel that came to us in way of trade. We 
used them well, and traded with them, and took them 
to be such as would not wrong us in the least matter. 
But our sachem or prince coming aboard, they laid a 
plot how they might destroy him ; which plot discover- 
ed itself by the event, as followeth. They keeping 
their boat aboard, and not desirous of our company, 
gave us leave to stand hallooing ashore, that they 



underhill's narrative. 57 

might work their mischievous plot. But as we stood 
they called to us, and demanded of us a bushel of 
wampam-peke, which is their money. This they de- 
manded for his ransom. This peal did ring terribly 
in our ears, to demand so much for the life of our 
prince, whom we thought was in the hands of honest 
men, and we had never wronged them. But we saw 
there was no remedy; their expectation must be grant- 
ed, or else they would not send him ashore, which they 
promised they would do, if we would answer their de- 
sires. We sent them so much aboard, according to 
demand, and they, according to their promise, sent him 
ashore,* but first slew him. This much exasperated 
our spirits, and made us vow a revenge. Suddenly 
after came these captains with a vessel into the river, 
and pretended to trade with us, as the former did. We 
did not discountenance them for the present, but took 
our opportunity and came aboard. The sachem's son 
succeeding his father, was the man that came into the 
cabin of Captain Stone, and Captain Stone having 
drunk more than did him good, fell backwards on the 
bed asleep. The sagamore took his opportunity, and 
having a little hatchet under his garment, therewith 
knocked him in the head. Some being upon the deck 
and others under, suspected some such thing ; for the 
rest of the Indians that were aboard had order to pro- 
ceed against the rest at one time ; but the English spy- 
ing treachery, run immediately into the cook-room, 
and, with a fire-brand, had thought to have blown up 
the Indians by setting fire to the powder. These 
devil's instruments spying this plot of the English, 

* This was noways true of the English, but a devised excuse. 



58 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

leaped overboard as the powder was a firing, and saved 
themselves ; but all the English were blown up. This 
was the manner of their bloody action. Saith the am- 
bassador to us, Could ye blame us for revenging so 
cruel a murder? for we distinguish not between the 
Dutch and English, but took them to be one nation, 
and therefore we do not conceive that we wronged 
you, for they slew our king; and thinking these cap- 
tains to be of the same nation and people as those that 
slew him, made us set upon this course of revenge. 

Our answer was, They were able to distinguish be- 
tween Dutch and English, having had sufficient expe- 
rience of both nations ; and therefore, seeing you have 
slain the king of England's subjects, we come to de- 
mand an account of their blood, for we ourselves are 
liable to account for them. The answer of the ambas- 
sador was, We know no difference between the Dutch 
and the English ; they are both strangers to us, we 
took them to be all one ; therefore we crave pardon ; 
we have not wilfully wronged the English. — This ex- 
cuse will not serve our turns, for we have sufficient 
testimony that you know the English from the Dutch. 
We must have the heads of those persons that have 
slain ours, or else we will fight with you. He answer- 
ed, Understanding the ground of your coming, I will 
entreat you to give me liberty to go ashore, and I shall 
inform the body of the people what your intent and 
resolution is ; and if you will stay aboard, I will bring 
you a sudden answer. 

We did grant him liberty to get ashore, and our- 
selves followed suddenly after before the war was pro- 
claimed. He seeing us land our forces, came with a 



underbill's narrative. 59 

message to entreat us to come no nearer, but stand in 
a valley, which had between us and them an ascent, 
that took our sight from them ; but they might see us 
to hurt us, to our prejudice. Thus from the first be- 
ginning to the end of the action, they carried them- 
selves very subtilely ; but we, not willing to be at their 
direction, marched up to the ascent, having set our 
men in battalia. He came and told us he had inquired 
for the sachem, that we might come to a parley ; but 
neither of both of the princes were at home ; they were 
gone to Long Island. 

Our reply was, We must not be put off thus, we 
know the sachem is in the plantation, and therefore 
bring him to us, that we may speak with him, or else 
we will beat up the drum, and march through the 
country, and spoil your corn. His answer, If you will 
but stay a little while, I will step to the plantation and 
seek for them. We gave them leave to take their own 
course, and used as much patience as ever men might, 
considering the gross abuse they offered us, holding 
us above an hour in vain hopes. They sent an Indian 
to tell us that Mommenoteck was found, and would 
appear before us suddenly. This brought us to a new 
stand the space of an hour more. There came a third 
Indian persuading us to have a little further pa- 
tience, and he would not tarry, for he had assembled 
the body of the Pequeats together, to know who the 
parties were that had slain these Englishmen. But 
seeing that they did in this interim convey away their 
wives and children, and bury their chief est goods, we 
perceived at length they would fly from us; but we 
were patient and bore with them, in expectation to 



60 HISTOKY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

have the greater blow upon them. The last messenger 
brought us this intelligence from the sachem, that if 
we would but lay down our arms, and approach about 
thirty paces from them, and meet the heathen prince, 
he would cause his men to do the like, and then we 
shall come to a parley. 

But we seeing their drift was to get our arms, we 
rather chose to beat up the drum and bid them battle. 
Marching into a champaign field we displayed our col- 
ors ; but none would come near us, but standing re- 
motely off did laugh at us for our patience. We sud- 
denly set upon our march, and gave fire to as many as 
we could come near, firing their wigwams, spoiling 
their corn, and many other necessaries that they had 
buried in the ground we raked up, which the soldiers 
had for booty. Thus we spent the day burning and 
spoiling the country. Towards night embarked our- 
selves. The next morning, landing on the Nahanticot 
shore, where we were served in like nature, no Indians 
would come near us, but run from us, as the deer from 
the dogs. But having burnt and spoiled what we 
could light on, we embarked our men, and set sail for 
the Bay. Having ended this exploit, came off, having 
one man wounded in the leg ; but certain numbers of 
their slain, and many wounded. This was the sub- 
stance of the first year's service. Now followeth the 
service performed in the second year. 

This insolent nation, seeing we had used much leni- 
ty towards them, and themselves not able to make 
good use of our patience, set upon a course of greater 
insolence than before, and slew all they found 
in their way. They came near Seabrooke fort, and 



underbill's narrative. 61 

made many proud challenges, and dared them out to 
fight. 

The lieutenant went out with ten armed men, and 
starting three Indians they changed some few shot for 
arrows. Pursuing them, a hundred more started out 
of the ambushments, and almost surrounded him and 
his company ; and some they slew, others they maimed, 
and forced them to retreat to their fort, so that it was 
a special providence of God that they were not all 
slain. Some of their arms they got from them, others 
put on the English clothes, and came to the fort jeer- 
ing of them, and calling, Come and fetch your En- 
glishmen's clothes again; come out and fight, if you 
dare ; you dare not fight ; you are all one like women. 
We have one amongst us that if he could kill but one 
of you more, he would be equal with God, and as the 
Englishman's God is, so would he be. This blasphem- 
ous speech troubled the hearts of the soldiers, but they 
knew not how to remedy it, in respect of their weak- 
ness. 

The Conetticot plantation, understanding the inso- 
lence of the enemy to be so great, sent down a certain 
number of soldiers, under the conduct of Captain John 
Mason, for to strengthen the fort. The enemy lying 
hovering about the fort, continually took notice of the 
supplies that were come, and forebore drawing near it 
as before; and letters were immediately sent to the 
Bay, to that right worshipful gentleman, Master Hen- 
ry Vane, for a speedy supply to strengthen the fort. 
For assuredly without supply suddenly came, in rea- 
son all would be lost, and fall into the hands of the 
enemy. This was the trouble and perplexity that lay 



62 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

upon the spirits of the poor garrison. Upon serious 
consideration, the governor and council sent forth my- 
self, with twenty armed soldiers, to supply the neces- 
sity of those distressed persons, and to take the gov- 
ernment of that place for the space of three months. 
Relief being come, Captain John Mason, with the rest 
of his company, returned to the plantation again. We 
sometimes fell out, with a matter of twenty soldiers, 
to see whether we could discover the enemy or no. 
They seeing us (lying in ambush) gave us leave to pass 
by them, considering we were too hot for them to 
meddle with us. Our men being completely armed, 
with corselets, muskets, bandoleers, rests, and swords, 
(as they themselves related afterward), did much daunt 
them. Thus we spent a matter of six weeks before we 
could have anything to do with them, persuading our- 
selves that all things had been well. But they seeing 
there was no advantage more to be had against the 
fort, they enterprised a new action, and fell upon Wa- 
tertowne, now called Wethersfield, with two hundred 
Indians. Before they came to attempt the place, they 
put into a certain river, an obscure small river running 
into the main, where they encamped, and refreshed 
themselves, and fitted themselves for their service, and 
by break of day attempted their enterprise, and slew 
nine men, women and children. Having finished their 
action, they suddenly returned again, bringing with 
them two maids captives, having put poles in their ca- 
noes, as we put masts in our boats, and upon them 
hung our English men' s and women' s shirts and smocks, 
instead of sails, and in way of bravado came along 
in sight of us as we stood upon Seybrooke fort. And 



underhill's narrative. 63 

seeing them pass along in such a triumphant manner, 
we much fearing they had enterprised some desperate 
action upon the English, we gave fire with a piece of 
ordnance, and shot among their canoes. And though 
they were a mile from us, yet the bullet grazed not 
above twenty yards over the canoe, where the poor 
maids were. It was a special providence of God it did 
not hit them, for then should we have been deprived 
of the sweet observation of God's providence in their 
deliverance. We were not able to make out after 
them, being destitute of means, boats, and the like. 
Before we proceed any farther to a full relation of the 
insolent proceeding of this barbarous nation, give me 
leave to touch upon the several accommodations that 
belong to this Seybrooke fort. 

This fort lies upon a river called Conetticot, at the 
mouth of it, a place of a very good soil, good meadow, 
divers sorts of good wood, timber, variety of fish of sev- 
eral kinds, fowl in abundance, geese, ducks, brankes, 
teals, deer, roebuck, squirrels, which are as good as our 
English rabbits. Pity it is so famous a place should be 
so little regarded. It lies to the northwest of that fa- 
mous place called Queenapiok, which rather exceeds the 
former in goodness. It hath a fair river, fit for har- 
boring of ships, and abounds with rich and goodly 
meadows. This lies thirty miles from the upper plan- 
tations, which are planted on the river Conetticot. 
Twelve miles above this plantation is situated a place 
called Aguawam, no way inferior to the forenamed 
places. This country and those parts do generally 
yield a fertile soil, and good meadow all the rivers 
along. The river Conetticot is navigable for pinnaces 



64 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

sixty miles ; it hath a strong fresh stream that descends 
out of the hills. The tide flows not about half way up 
the river. The strength of the freshet that comes down 
the river is so strong, that it stoppeth the force of the 
tide. 

The truth is, I want time to set forth the excellence 
of the whole country ; but if you would know the gar- 
den of New England, then must you glance your eye 
upon Hudson's river, a place exceeding all yet named. 
The river affords fish in abundance, as sturgeon, sal- 
mon, and many delicate varieties of fish that naturally 
lies in the river; the only place for beaver that we 
have in those parts. Long Island is a place worth the 
naming, and generally affords most of the aforesaid 
accommodations. Nahanticot, Martin's Vineyard, Pe- 
queat, Narragansett Bay, Elizabeth Islands, all these 
places are yet uninhabited, and generally afford good 
accommodation ; as a good soil, according as we have 
expressed, they are a little inferior to the former places. 
The Narraganset Bay is a place for shipping, so spa- 
cious, as it will contain ten thousand sail of ships. Cap- 
cod, New Plimouth, Dukesbury, and all those parts, well 
accommodated for the receiving of people, and yet few 
are there planted, considering the spaciousness of the 
place. The Bay itself, although report goes it is full, 
and can hardly entertain any more, yet there are but 
few towns but are able to receive more than they have 
already, and to accommodate them in a comfortable 
measure. 

The northern plantations, and eastern, as Puscata- 
way, would not be neglected ; they are desirable places, 
and lie in the heart of fishing. Puscataway is a river 



underbill's narrative. 65 

navigable for a ship of a hundred tons some six leagues 
up. With boats and pinnaces you may go a great way 
further. It is the only key of the country for safety. 
With twelve pieces of ordnance, will keep out all the 
enemies in the world. The mouth of the river is nar- 
row, lies full upon the southeast sea ; so as there is no 
anchoring without, except you hazard ship and men. 
It is accommodated with a good soil, abundance of 
good timber ; meadows are not wanting to the place. 
Pity it is it hath been so long neglected. 

Augumeaticus is a place of good accommodation; it 
lies five miles from Puscataway river, where Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorge hath a house. It is a place worthy to be 
inhabited, a soil that bears good corn, all sorts of grain, 
flax, hemp, the country generally will afford. There 
was grown in Puscataway the last year, and in the 
Bay, as good English grain as can grow in any part of 
the world. Casko hath a famous bay, accommodated 
with a hundred islands, and is fit for plantation, and 
hath a river belonging to it, which doth afford fish 
in abundance, fowl also in great measure. So full 
of fowl it is, that strangers may be supplied with 
variety of fowl in an hour or two after their ar- 
rival, which knew not how to be relieved before. 
Because the place in general is so famous, and well 
known to all the world, and chiefly to our English 
nation (the most noblest of this Commonwealth), 
I therefore forbear many particulars which yet might 
be expressed. And in regard of many aspersions 
hath been cast upon all the country, that it is a 
hard and difficult place for to subsist in, and that the 
soil is barren, and bears little that is good, and that it 



66 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

can hardly receive more people than those that are 
there, I will presume to make a second digression from 
the former matter, to the end I might encourage such 
as desire to plant there. 

There are certain plantations, Dedham, Concord, in 
the Mathethusis Bay, that are newly erected, that do 
afford large accommodation, and will contain abun- 
dance of people. But I cease to spend time in matters 
of this nature, since my discourse tends to warlike 
story. But I crave pardon for my digression. 

I told you before, that when the Pequeats heard and 
saw Seabrooke fort was supplied, they forbore to visit 
us. But the old serpent, according to his first malice, 
stirred them up against the church of Christ, and in 
such a furious manner, as our people were so far dis- 
turbed and affrighted with their boldness that they 
scarce durst rest in their beds; threatening persons 
and cattle to take them, as indeed they did. So inso- 
lent were these wicked imps grown, that like the devil, 
their commander, they run up and down as roaring 
lions, compassing all corners of the country for a prey, 
seeking whom they might devour. It being death to 
them for to rest without some wicked employment or 
other, they still plotted how they might wickedly at- 
tempt some bloody enterprise upon our poor native 
countrymen. 

One Master Tilly, master of a vessel, being brought 
to an anchor in Conetticot river, went ashore, not sus- 
pecting the bloody-mindedness of those persons, who 
fell upon him and a man with him, whom they wicked- 
ly and barbarously slew; and, by relation, brought 
him home, tied him to a stake, flayed his skin off, put 



undekhtll's nakkative. 67 

hot embers between the flesh and the skin, cut off his 
fingers and toes, and made hatbands of them; thus 
barbarous was their cruelty! Would not this have 
moved the hearts of men to hazard blood, and life, and 
all they had, to overcome such a wicked, insolent na- 
tion? But letters coming into the Bay, that this at- 
tempt was made upon Wethersfield in Conetticot river, 
and that they had slain nine men, women and chil- 
dren, and taken two maids captives, the council gave 
order to send supply. In the mean while the Conetti- 
cot plantations sent down one hundred armed soldiers, 
under the conduct of Captain John Mason, and Lieuten- 
ant Seily, with other inferior officers, who by com- 
mission were bound for to come to rendezvous at Sea- 
brooke fort, and there to consult with those that had 
command there, to enterprise some stratagem upon 
these bloody Indians. The Conetticot company hav- 
ing with them threescore Mohiggeners, whom the Pe- 
queats had drove out of their lawful possessions, these 
Indians were earnest to join with the English, or at 
least to be under their conduct, that they might re- 
venge themselves of those bloody enemies of theirs. 
The English, perceiving their earnest desire that way, 
gave them liberty to follow the company, but not to 
join in confederation with them ; the Indians promis- 
ing to be faithful, and to do them what service lay in 
their power. But having embarked their men, and 
coming down the river, there arose great jealousy in 
the hearts of those that had chief oversight of the 
company, fearing that the Indians in time of greatest 
trial might revolt, and turn their backs against those 
they professed to be their friends, and join with the 



68 HISTOKY OF THE PEQUOT WAK. 

Pequeats. This perplexed the hearts of many very 
much, because they had had no experience of their 
fidelity. But Captain Mason having sent down a shal- 
lop to Seybrooke fort, and sent the Indians over land 
to meet and rendezvous at Seabrooke fort, themselves 
came down in a great massy vessel, which was slow 
in coming, and very long detained by cross winds. The 
Indians coming to Seabrooke, were desirous to fall out 
on the Lord's day, to see whether they could find any 
Pequeats near the fort; persuading themselves that 
the place was not destitute of some of their enemies. 
But it being the Lord's day, order was given to the 
contrary, and wished them to forbear until the next 
day. Giving them liberty, they fell out early in the 
morning, and brought home five Pequeats' heads, one 
prisoner, and mortally wounded the seventh. This 
mightily encouraged the hearts of all, and we took 
this as a pledge of their further fidelity. Myself tak- 
ing boat, rowed up to meet the rest of the forces. 
Lying aboard the vessel with my boat, the minister, 
one Master Stone, that was sent to instruct the com- 
pany, was then in prayer solemnly before God, in the 
midst of the soldiers; and this passage worthy observa- 
tion I set down, because the providence of God might 
be taken notice of, and his name glorified, that is so 
ready for to honor his own ordinance. The hearts of 
all in general being much perplexed, fearing the infi- 
delity of these Indians, having not heard what an ex- 
ploit they had wrought, it pleased God to put into the 
heart of Master Stone this passage in prayer, while 
myself lay under the vessel and heard it, himself not 
knowing that God had sent him a messenger to tell 



underbill's narrative. 69 

him his prayer was granted. O Lord God, if it be thy 
blessed will, vouchsafe so much favor to thy poor dis- 
tressed servants, as to manifest one pledge of thy love, 
that may confirm us of the fidelity of these Indians to- 
wards us, that now pretend friendship and service to 
us, that our hearts may be encouraged the more in this 
work of thine. Immediately myself stepping up, told 
him that God had answered his desire, and that I had 
brought him this news, that those Indians had brought 
in five Pequeats' heads, one prisoner, and wounded 
one mortally ; which did much encourage the hearts of 
all, and replenished them exceedingly, and gave them 
all occasion to rejoice and be thankful to God. A 
little before we set forth, came a certain ship from the 
Dutch plantation. Casting an anchor under the com- 
mand of our ordnance, we desired the master to come 
ashore. The master and merchant, willing to answer 
our expectation, came forth, and sitting with us awhile 
unexpectedly revealed their intent, that they were 
bound for Pequeat river to trade. Ourselves knowing 
the custom of war, that it was not the practice, in a 
case of this nature, to suffer others to go and trade with 
them our enemies, with such commodities as might be 
prejudicial unto us, and advantageous to them, as ket- 
tles, or the like, which make them arrow-heads, we 
gave command to them not to stir, alleging that our 
forces were intended daily to fall upon them. This 
being unkindly taken, it bred some agitations between 
their several commanders; but God was pleased, out 
of his love, to carry things in such a sweet, moderate 
way, as all turned to his glory, and his people's 
good. 



70 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

These men, seeing they could not have liberty to go 
upon their design, gave us a note under their hands, 
that if we would give them liberty to depart, they 
would endeavor, to the utmost of their ability, to re- 
lease those two captive maids, and this should be the 
chief scope and drift of their design. Having these 
promises, depending upon their faithfulness, we gave 
them liberty. They set sail and went to Pequeat river, 
and sent to shore the master of the vessel to Sasacoose, 
their prince, for to crave liberty to trade ; and what 
would they trade for but the English maids? which he 
much disliked. Suddenly withdrawing himself he re- 
turned back to the vessel, and by way of policy allured 
seven Indians into the bark, some of them being their 
prime men. Having them aboard, acquainted them 
with their intent, and told them without they might 
have the two captives delivered safely aboard, they 
must keep them as prisoners and pledges, and there- 
fore must resolve not to go ashore, until such time 
they had treated with the sagamore. One of the 
Dutch called to them on the shore, and told them they 
must bring the two captive maids, if they would have 
the seven Indians; and therefore, briefly, if you will 
bring them, tell us ; if not, we set sail, and will turn 
all your Indians overboard in the main ocean, so soon 
as ever we come out. They taking this to be a jest, 
slighted what was said unto them. They weighing 
anchor set sail, and drew near the mouth of the river. 
The Pequeats then discerned they were in earnest, and 
earnestly desired them to return and come to an an- 
chor, and they would answer their expectation. So 
they brought the two maids, and delivered them safely 



underhill's narrative. 71 

aboard, and they returned to them the seven Indians. 
Then they set sail and came to Seabrooke fort. Bring- 
ing them to Seabrooke fort, request was made to have 
them ashore. But in regard of the Dutch governor's 
desire, who had heard that there was two English 
maids taken captives of the Pequeats, and thinking 
his own vessel to be there a trading with them, he had 
managed out a pinnace purposely, to give strict order 
and command to the former vessel to get these cap- 
tives, what charge soever they were at, nay, though 
they did hazard their peace with them, and to gratify 
him with the first sight of them after their deliverance. 
So they earnestly entreated us that they might not be 
brought ashore so as to stay there, or to be sent home 
until they had followed the governor's order; which 
willingly was granted to them, though it were thirty 
leagues from us ; yet were they safely returned again, 
and brought home to their friends. Now for the ex- 
amination of the two maids after they arrived at Sea- 
brooke fort. The eldest of them was about sixteen 
years of age. Demanding of her how they had used 
her, she told us that they did solicit her to unclean- 
ness ; but her heart being much broken, and afflicted 
under that bondage she was cast in, had brought to 
her consideration these thoughts — How shall I commit 
this great evil and sin against my God? Their heart* 
were much taken up with the consideration of God's 
just displeasure to them, that had lived under so pru- 
dent means of grace as they did, and had been so un- 
grateful toward God, and slighted that means, so that 
God's hand was justly upon them for their remissness 
in all their ways. Thus was their hearts taken up 



72 HISTORY OF THE PEQTTOT WAR. 

with these thoughts. The Indians carried them from 
place to place, and showed them their forts and curious 
wigwams and houses, and encouraged them to be mer- 
ry. But the poor souls, as Israel, could not frame 
themselves to any delight or mirth under so strange a 
king. They hanging their harps upon the willow 
trees, gave their minds to sorrow ; hope was their chief - 
est food, and tears their constant drink. Behind the 
rocks, and under the trees, the eldest spent her breath 
in supplication to her God ; and though the eldest was 
but young, yet must I confess the sweet affection to 
God for his great kindness and fatherly love she daily 
received from the Lord, which sweetened all her sor- 
rows, and gave her constant hope that God would not 
nor could not forget her poor distressed soul and body ; 
because, saith she, his loving kindness appeareth to 
me in an unspeakable manner. And though some- 
times, saith she, I cried out, David-like, I shall one 
day perish by the hands of Saul, I shall one day die by 
the hands of these barbarous Indians; and specially 
if our people should come forth to war against them. 
Then is there no hope of deliverance. Then must I 
perish. Then will they cut me off in malice. But 
suddenly the poor soul was ready to quarrel with it- 
self. Why should I distrust God? Do not I daily see 
the love of God unspeakably to my poor distressed 
soul? And he hath said he will never leave me nor 
forsake me. Therefore I will not fear what man can 
do unto me, knowing God to be above man, and man 
can do nothing without God' s permission. These were 
the words that fell from her mouth when she was ex- 
amined in Seabrooke fort. I having command of Sea- 



underbill's narrative. 73 

brooke fort, she spake these things upon examination, 
in my hearing. 

Christian reader, give me leave to appeal to the 
hearts of all true aff ectioned Christians, whether this 
be not the usual course of God's dealing to his poor 
captivated children, the prisoners of hope, to distil a 
great measure of sweet comfort and consolation into 
their souls in the time of trouble, so that the soul is 
more affected with the sense of God's fatherly love, 
than with the grief of its captivity. Sure I am, that 
sanctified afflictions, crosses, or any outward troubles 
appear so profitable, that God's dear saints are forced 
to cry out, Thy loving kindness is better than life, 
than all the lively pleasures and profits of the world. 
Better a prison sometimes and a Christ, than liberty 
without him. Better in a fiery furnace with the pres- 
ence of Christ, than in a kingly palace without him. 
Better in the lion' s den, in the midst of all the roaring 
lions and with Christ, than in a downy bed with wife 
and children without Christ. The speech of David is 
memorable, that sweet affectionate prince and soldier, 
"How sweet is thy word to my taste; yea, sweeter 
than the honey and the honey-comb." He spake it 
by experience. He had the sweet relish of God's com- 
forting presence, and the daily communion he had 
with the Lord, in the midst of all his distresses, 
trials, and temptations that fell upon him. And 
so the Lord deals to this day. The greater the 
captivities be of his servants, the contentions 
amongst his churches, the clearer God's presence 
is amongst his, to pick and cull them out of the 
fire, and to manifest himself to their souls, and 



74 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

bear them up, as Peter above the water, that they 
sink not. 

But now, my dear and respected friends and fellow 
soldiers in the Lord, are not you apt to say, If this be 
the fruit of afflictions, I would I had some of those, 
that I might enjoy these sweet breathings of Christ in 
my soul, as those that are in afflictions. But beware 
of those thoughts, or else experience will teach all to 
recall or to unwish those thoughts, for it is against the 
course of Scripture to wish for evil, that good might 
come of it. We cannot expect the presence of Christ 
in that which is contrary to him, (a man laying him- 
self open to trouble), but we are rather to follow 
Christ' s example, ' ' Father, not my will, but thy will 
be done, in earth as it is in heaven. ' ' And when thou 
art brought thus prostrate before the Lord like an obe- 
dient child, ready to suffer what he will impose on 
thee ; then if he think good to try us, we may exclude 
no trial, no captivity, though burdensome or tedious 
to nature, for they will appear sweet and sanctified in 
the issue, if they be of the Lord's laying on; specially 
when the Lord is pleased to impose trouble on his in 
way of trial (as he said to Israel of old — I did it to 
prove you, and to see what was in your hearts), wheth- 
er a soul would not do as the foolish young man in the 
Gospel, cling more closer to his honor, or profit, or 
ease, or peace, or liberty, than to the Lord Jesus Christ. 
And therefore the Lord is pleased to exercise his peo- 
ple with trouble and afflictions, that he might appear 
to them in mercy, and reveal more clearly his free 
grace unto their souls. Therefore consider, dear 
brethren, and err not, neither to the right hand nor 



underbill's narrative. 75 

to the left, and be not as Ephraim, like an untamed 
heifer, that would not stoop unto the yoke. But stoop 
to God's afflictions, if he please to impose them, and 
fear them not when they are from God. And know 
that Christ cannot be had without a cross. They are 
inseparable. You cannot have Christ in his ordi- 
nances, but you must have his cross. Did ever any 
Christian read, that in the purest churches that ever 
were, that Christians were freed from the cross? Was 
not the cross carried after Christ? And Andrew must 
follow Christ, but not without a cross. He must take 
it, and bear it, and that upon his shoulders ; implying, 
it was not a light cross, but weighty. Oh, let not 
Christians show themselves to be so forgetful, as I fear 
many are, of the old way of Christ. Ease is come into 
the world, and men would have Christ and ease. But 
it will not be in this world. Is the servant better than 
the master? No, he is not, neither shall he be. But 
you may demand what is meant by this cross. We 
meet with many crosses in the world, losses at home 
and abroad, in church and commonwealth. What 
cross doth Christ mean? Was it a cross to be destitute 
of a house to put his head in? Or was it his cross, 
that he was not so deliciously fed as other men? Or 
to be so mean, wanting honor as others had? Or was 
it that his habit was not answerable to the course of 
the world, or to be destitute of silver and gold, as it is 
the lot of many of God's saints to this day? This was 
not the cross of Christ. You shall not hear him com- 
plain of his estate, that it is too mean, or his lodging 
too bad, or his garments too plain ; these were not the 
troubles of Christ ; these are companions to the cross. 



76 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

But the chief cross that Christ had, was that the word 
of his Father could not take place in the hearts of 
those to whom it was sent, and suffering for the truth 
of his Father, that was Christ' s cross. And that is the 
cross, too, that Christians must expect, and that in the 
purest churches. And, therefore, why do you stand 
and admire at New England, that there should be con- 
tentions there, and differences there, and that for the 
truth of Christ? Do you not remember that the cross 
followed the church? Hath it not been already said 
that Christ's cross followed him, and Andrew must 
carry it? And that Paul and Barnabas will contend 
together for the truth's sake? And doth not the Apos- 
tle say, Contend for the truth (though not in a violent 
way) ? Doth not Christ say, I came not to bring peace, 
but a sword? And why should men wonder at us, 
seeing that troubles and contentions have followed the 
purest churches since the beginning of the world to 
this day? Wherefore should we not look back to the 
Scriptures, and deny our own reason, and let that be 
our guide and platform? And then shall we not so 
much admire, when we know it is the portion of God' s 
church to have troubles and contentions. And when 
we know also it is God that brings them, and that for 
good to his church. Hath not God ever brought light 
out of darkness, good out of evil? Did not the breath 
of God's spirit sweetly breathe in the souls of these 
poor captives which we now related? And do we not 
ever find, the greater the afflictions and troubles of 
God's people be, the more eminent is his grace in the 
souls of his servants? You that intend to go to New 
England, fear not a little trouble. 



underbill' s narrative. 77 

More men would go to sea, if they were sure to meet 
with no storms. But he is the most courageous soldier, 
that sees the battle pitched, the drums beat an alarm, 
and trumpets sound a charge, and yet is not afraid to 
join in the battle. Show not yourselves cowards, but 
proceed on in your intentions, and abuse not the lenity 
of our noble prince, and the sweet liberty he hath from 
time to time given to pass and repass according to our 
desired wills. Wherefore do ye stop? Are you afraid? 
May not the Lord do this to prove your hearts, to see 
whether you durst follow him in afflictions or not? 
What is become of faith? I will not fear that man can 
do unto me, saith David, no, nor what troubles can do, 
but will trust in the Lord, who is my God. 

Let the ends and aims of a man be good, and he 
may proceed with courage. The bush may be in the 
fire, but so long as God appears to Moses out of the 
bush, there is no great danger. More good than hurt 
will come out of it. Christ knows how to honor him- 
self, and to do his people good, though it be by con- 
trary means, which reason will not fathom. Look but 
to faith, and that will make us see plainly, that though 
afflictions for the present are grievous, as doubtless it 
was with these two captive maids, yet sweet and com- 
fortable is the issue with all God's saints, as it was 
with them. But to go on. 

Having embarked our soldiers, we weighed anchor 
at Seabrooke fort, and set sail for the Narraganset 
Bay, deluding the Pequeats thereby, for they expected 
us to fall into the Pequeat river; but crossing their 
expectation, bred in them a security. We landed our 
men in the Narraganset Bay, and marched over land 



78 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

above two days' journey before we came to Pequeat. 
Quartering the last night's march within two miles of 
the place, we set forth about one of the clock in the 
morning, having sufficient intelligence that they knew 
nothing of our coming. Drawing near to the fort, 
yielded up ourselves to God, and entreated his assist- 
ance in so weighty an enterprise. We set on our 
march to surround the fort ; * Captain John Mason, 
approaching to the west end, where it had an entrance 
to pass into it ; myself marching to the south side, sur- 
rounding the fort; placing the Indians, for we had 
about three hundred of them, without side of our sol- 
diers in a ring battalia, giving a volley of shot upon 
the fort. So remarkable it appeared to us, as we could 
not but admire at the providence of God in it, that sol- 
diers so unexpert in the use of their arms, should give 
so complete a volley, as though the finger of God had 
touched both match and flint. Which volley being 
given at break of day, and themselves fast asleep for 
the most part, bred in them such a terror, that they 
brake forth into a most doleful cry ; so as if God had 
not fitted the hearts of men for the service, it would 
have bred in them a commiseration towards them. But 
every man being bereaved of pity, fell upon the work 
without compassion, considering the blood they had 
shed of our native countrymen, and how barbarously 
they had dealt with them, and slain, first and last, 
about thirty persons. Having given fire, we approach- 
ed near to the entrance, which they had stopped full 

* This fort, or palisado, was well nigh an acre of ground, which was 
surrounded with trees and half trees, set into the ground three feet deep, 
and fastened close one to another, as you may see more clearly described 
in the figure of it before the book. 



underrtll's narrative. 79 

with arms of trees, or brakes. Myself approaching to 
the entrance, found the work too heavy for me, to 
draw out all those which were strongly forced in. We 
gave order to one Master Hedge, and some other sol- 
diers, to pull out those brakes. Having this done, and 
laid them between me and the entrance, and without 
order themselves, proceeded first on the south end of 
the fort. But remarkable it was to many of us. Men 
that run before they are sent, most commonly have an 
ill reward. Worthy reader, let me entreat you to have 
a more charitable opinion of me (though unworthy to 
be better thought of) than is reported in the other 
book. * You may remember there is a passage unjust- 
ly laid upon me, that when we should come to the en- 
trance I should put forth this question, Shall we enter? 
Others should answer again, What came we hither for 
else? It is well known to many, it was never my prac- 
tice, in time of my command, when we are in garri- 
son, much to consult with a private soldier, or to ask 
his advice in point of war ; much less in a matter of so 
great a moment as that was, which experience had 
often taught me was not a time to put forth such a 
question ; and therefore pardon him that hath given 
the wrong information. Having our swords in our 
right hand, our carbines or muskets in our left hand, 
we approached the fort, Master Hedge being shot 
through both arms, and more wounded. Though it be 
not commendable for a man to make mention of any- 
thing that might tend to his own honor, yet because I 
would have the providence of God observed, and his 

* The other book here referred to, containing the charge of which Un- 
derhill complains, is Vincent's Relation of the Pequot War. 



80 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

name magnified, as well for myself as others, I dare 
not omit, but let the world know, that deliverance was 
given to us that command, as well as to private sol- 
diers. Captain Mason and myself entering into the 
wigwams, he was shot, and received many arrows 
against his head-piece. God preserved him from many 
wounds. Myself received a shot in the left hip, 
through a sufficient buff coat, that if I had not been 
supplied with such a garment, the arrow would have 
pierced through me. Another I received between neck 
and shoulders, hanging in the linen of my head-piece. 
Others of our soldiers were shot, some through the 
shoulders, some in the face, some in the head, some in 
the legs, Captain Mason and myself losing each of us 
a man, and had near twenty wounded. Most courage- 
ously these Pequeats behaved themselves. But seeing 
the fort was too hot for us, we devised a way how we 
might save ourselves and prejudice them. Captain 
Mason entering into a wigwam, brought out a fire- 
brand, after he had wounded many in the house. 
Then he set fire on the west side, where he entered ; 
myself set fire on the south end with a train of pow- 
der. The fires of both meeting in the centre of the 
fort, blazed most terribly, and burnt all in the space 
of half an hour. Many courageous fellows were un- 
willing to come out, and fought most desperately 
through the palisadoes, so as they were scorched and 
burnt with the very flame, and were deprived of their 
arms — in regard the fire burnt their very bowstrings — 
and so perished valiantly. Mercy did they deserve for 
their valor, could we have had opportunity to have be- 
stowed it. Many were burnt in the fort, both men, 



ttnderhill' s narrative. 81 

women, and children. Others forced out, and came in 
troops to the Indians, twenty and thirty at a time, 
which our soldiers received and entertained with the 
point of the sword. Down fell men, women, and chil- 
dren ; those that scaped us, fell into the hands of the 
Indians that were in the rear of us. It is reported by 
themselves, that there were about four hundred souls 
in this fort, and not above five of them escaped out of 
our hands. Great and doleful was the bloody sight to 
the view of young soldiers that never had been in war, 
to see so many souls lie gasping on the ground, so 
thick, in some places, that you could hardly pass along. 
It may be demanded, Why should you be so furious? 
(as some have said). Should not Christians have more 
mercy and compassion? But I would refer you to Da- 
vid' s war. When a people is grown to such a height 
of blood, and sin against God and man, and all con- 
federates in the action, there he hath no respect to per- 
sons, but harrows them, and saws them, and puts them 
to the sword, and the most terriblest death that may 
be. Sometimes the Scripture declareth women and 
children must perish with their parents. Sometimes 
the case alters ; but we will not dispute it now. We 
had sufficient light from the word of God for our pro- 
ceedings. 

Having ended this service, we drew our forces to- 
gether to battalia. Being ordered, the Pequeats came 
upon us with their prime men, and let fly at us ; my- 
self fell on scarce with twelve or fourteen men to 
encounter with them; but they finding our bullets 
to outreach their arrows, forced themselves often to 
retreat. When we saw we could have no advantage 



82 HISTOEY OF THE PEQTTOT WAR. 

against them in the open field, we requested our In- 
dians for to entertain fight with them. Our end was 
that we might see the nature of the Indian war; which 
they granted us, and fell out, the Pequeats, Narragan- 
sets, and Mohigeners changing a few arrows together 
after such a manner, as I dare boldly affirm, they 
might fight seven years and not kill seven men. They 
came not near one another, but shot remote, and not 
point-blank, as we often do with our bullets, but at 
rovers, and then they gaze up in the sky to see where 
the arrow falls, and not until it is fallen do they shoot 
again. This fight is more for pastime, than to conquer 
and subdue enemies. But spending a little time this 
way, we were forced to cast our eyes upon our poor 
maimed soldiers, many of them lying upon the ground, 
wanting food and such nourishable things as might re- 
fresh them in this faint state. But we were not sup- 
plied with any such things whereby we might relieve 
them, but only were constrained to look up to God, 
and to entreat him for mercy towards them. Most 
were thirsty, but could find no water. The provision 
we had for food was very little. Many distractions 
seized upon us at the present. A chirurgeon we 
wanted ; our chirurgeon, not accustomed to war, durst 
not hazard himself where we ventured our lives, but, 
like a fresh water soldier, kept aboard, and by this 
means our poor maimed soldiers were brought to a 
great strait and faintness, some of them swounding 
away for want of speedy help ; but yet God was pleased 
to preserve the lives of them, though not without great 
misery and pain to themselves for the present. Dis- 
tractions multiplying, strength and courage began to 



undeehill's narrative. 83 

fail with many. Our Indians, that had stood close to 
us hitherto, were fallen into consultation, and were 
resolved for to leave us in a land we knew not which 
way to get out. Suddenly after their resolution, fifty 
of the Narraganset Indians fell off from the rest, re- 
turning home. The Pequeats spying them, pursued 
after them. Then came the Narragansets to Captain 
Mason and myself, crying, Oh help us now, or our men 
will be all slain. We answered, How dare you crave 
aid of us, when you are leaving of us in this distressed 
condition, not knowing which way to march out of the 
country? But yet you shall see it is not the nature of 
Englishmen to deal like heathens, to requite evil for 
evil, but we will succor you. Myself falling on with 
thirty men, in the space of an hour rescued their men, 
and in our retreat to the body, slew and wounded 
above a hundred Pequeats, all fighting men, that 
charged us both in rear and flanks. Having overtak- 
en the body we were resolved to march to a certain 
neck of land that lay by the sea-side, where we intend- 
ed to quarter that night, because we knew not how to 
get our maimed men to Pequeat river. As yet we saw 
not our pinnaces sail along, but feared the Lord had 
crossed them, which also the master of the barque 
much feared. We gave them order to set sail on the 
Narraganset Bay, about midnight, as we were to fall 
upon the fort in the morning, so that they might meet 
us in Pequeat river in the afternoon ; but the wind be- 
ing cross, bred in them a great perplexity what would 
become of us, knowing that we were but slenderly pro- 
vided, both with munition and provision. But they 
being in a distracted condition, lifted up their hearts 



84 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

to God for help. About twelve of the clock the wind 
turned about and became fair ; it brought them along 
in sight of us, and about ten o'clock in the morning 
carried them into Pequeat river. Coming to an anchor 
at the place appointed, the wind turned as full against 
them as ever it could blow. How remarkable this prov- 
idence of God was, I leave to a Christian eye to judge. 
Our Indians came to us, and much rejoiced at our vic- 
tories, and greatly, admired the manner of English- 
men's fight, but cried Mach it, mach it; that is, It is 
naught, it is naught, because it is too furious, and 
slays too many men. Having received their desires, 
they freely promised, and gave up themselves to march 
along with us, wherever we would go. God having 
eased us from that oppression that lay upon us, think- 
ing we should have been left in great misery for want 
of our vessels, we diverted our thoughts from going to 
that neck of land, and faced about, marching to the 
river where our vessels lay at anchor. One remarkable 
passage. The Pequeats playing upon our flanks, one 
Sergeant Davis, a pretty courageous soldier, spying 
something black upon the top of a rock, stepped forth 
from the body with a carbine of three feet long, and, 
at a venture, gave fire, supposing it to be an Indian' s 
head, turning him over with his heels upward. The 
Indians observed this, and greatly admired that a man 
should shoot so directly. The Pequeats were much 
daunted at the shot, and forbore approaching so near 
upon us. Being come to the Pequeat river we met 
with Captain Patrick, who under his command had 
forty able soldiers, who was ready to begin a second 
attempt. But many of our men being maimed and 



undeehill's narrative. 85 

much wearied, we forbore that night, and embarked 
ourselves, myself setting sail for Seabrooke fort. Cap- 
tain Mason and Captain Patrick marching over land, 
burned and spoiled the country between the Pequeat 
and Conetticot river, where we received them. The 
Pequeats having received so terrible a blow, and being 
much affrighted with the destruction of so many, the 
next day fell into consultation. Assembling their most 
ablest men together, propounded these three things. 
First, whether they would set upon a sudden revenge 
upon the Narragansets, or attempt an enterprise upon 
the English, or fly. They were in great dispute one 
amongst another. Sasachus, their chief commander, 
was all for blood; the rest for flight, Alleging these 
arguments: We are a people bereaved of courage, our 
hearts are sadded with the death of so many of our 
dear friends ; we see upon what advantage the English 
lie ; what sudden and deadly blows they strike ; what 
advantage they have of their pieces to us, which are 
not able to reach them with our arrows at distance. 
They are supplied with everything necessary ; they are 
flote and heartened in their victory. To what end 
shall we stand it out with them? We are not able; 
therefore let us rather save some than lose all. This 
prevailed. Suddenly after, they spoiled all those 
goods they could not carry with them, broke up their 
tents and wigwams, and betook themselves to flight. 
Sasachus, flying towards Conetticot plantation, quar- 
tered by the river side ; there he met with a shallop 
sent down to Seabrooke fort, which had in it three 
men ; they let fly upon them, shot many arrows into 
them. Courageous were the English, and died in their 



86 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

hands, but with a great deal of valor. The forces 
which were prepared in the Bay were ready for to set 
forth. Myself being taken on but for three months, 
and the soldiers willing to return to the Bay, we em- 
barked ourselves, and set to sail. In our journey we 
met with certain pinnaces, in them a hundred able and 
well appointed soldiers, under the conduct of one Cap- 
tain Stoughton, and other inferior officers; and in com- 
pany with them one Mr. John Wilson, who was sent 
to instruct the company. These falling into Pequeat 
river, met with many of the distressed Indians. Some 
they slew, others they took prisoners. 



FINIS 



Biographical Notice of Philip Vincent. 

[ The following sketch of Philip Vincent was printed in Massachusetts 
Historical Society Collections, Fourth Series, vol. i.] 



Veey little, or perhaps nothing, is to be found in the 
printed literature of England concerning this person, 
so that it is not surprising nothing could be told re- 
specting him, when this extremely rare tract of his was 
reprinted in the sixth volume of the third series of the 
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

Yet he has been to a certain extent his own biogra- 
pher, that is, as far as to the year 1630, in which year 
he drew up an excellent genealogical account of the 
ancient family from which he was descended, includ- 
ing the leading facts in his own life so far, when, how- 
ever, he was but in the earlier period of middle life. 
This tract has never been printed, but I have had an 
opportunity of perusing it in manuscript, among the 
historical collections of an eminent antiquary of the 
seventeenth century, Dr. Nathaniel Johnston, of 
Pontefract in Yorkshire. 

He deduces himself from a John Vincent, a younger 
son of the Vincents of Great Smeaton, near Richmond, 
in Yorkshire. This John settled at Braithwell, a vil- 
lage near to the ancient castle of Coningsborough, a 
castle of the princes of the House of York. This was 
in the reign of Henry the Fifth, and the Vincents 



88 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

were then and afterwards much employed by the lords 
of Coningsborough. From John descended Richard 
Vincent, who in early life served in the English and 
Imperial armies, and was in Calais at the time when it 
was taken by the Duke of Guise. He returned to 
Yorkshire, his native country, where he was the 
father of another Richard Vincent, who was the father 
of Philip. 

This Richard is said by his son to have been a stu- 
dent of Gray's Inn, but never practised the law. He 
married Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Rokeby, of 
Hotham, a distinguished Yorkshire family, by whom 
he had three sons, Thomas, Philip, and William. 

Philip says that his father, mother, and a sister of 
his father, all died within seven weeks of each other, 
in 1617, and were all buried in Coningsborough 
church. But they died within a shorter space, if the 
extracts which have been sent me from the Conings- 
borough Register may be relied upon : — 

"1617 June 6, buried Elizabeth, wife of Richard 
Vincent, gent. 

June 19, buried Richard Vincent of Firsbie. 
June 26, buried Jane Vincent." 

Richard and Jane Vincent left no written wills, but 
declared their intention by word of mouth, Richard 
on June 17th, and Jane on June 18th. They directed 
that their property should be divided equally among 
the three sons. 

Philip, son of Richard Vincent of Firsby, or Frisby, 
for the name is written both ways, was baptized at 
Coningsborough on November 23, 1600. He himself 
tells us, that he was of Peter House in the University 



Vincent's naerative. 89 

of Cambridge, and that he took the degree of Master 
of Arts in that University. At about five-and-twenty 
he married Frances, daughter of Sir Christopher Hey- 
don of Baconsthorpe in Norfolk, a friend of Camden, 
and the most learned English writer in defense of 
judicial astrology, widow of Henry Draper of Bromley 
in Kent. He was ordained, and in 1625 was presented 
to the Rectory of Stoke d'Abernon in Surrey, by Sir 
Francis Vincent, who, though having the same sur- 
name, was of a different family. This living he re- 
signed on the 17th of August, 1629, and on November 
30, 1630, he lost his wife, who was buried in the 
church of St. Andrew, London. She had brought him 
three children, Francis and John, who both died in 
infancy, and Henry, who was born in Cursitor's Alley, 
London, on the 20th of December, 1629. 

Here we lose the benefit of his own narrative ; and 
the next notice I have seen of him is in the Book of 
the Grants of Sir William Segar, Garter King at Arms, 
during the period of his holding the office, which has 
lately been added to the library of the British Mu- 
seum, where it is numbered 12,225 of the Additional 
Manuscripts. 

Among these grants is one to ' ' Philip Vincent, clerk, 
M. A., of Stoke d'Aberon in Surrey," then sailing to 
Guiana. It recites his birth at Frisby, and his de- 
scent, as shown above, describes the arms usually 
borne by the Vincents of Braithwell and Frisby, but 
authorizes him to bear the coat of Colbey, a family 
from whom the Vincents acquired Smeaton. This 
coat was a remarkable one, viz. "Or, a cross sarcelee 
in pale and formee in fess Gules." 



90 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

There is no date of this grant ; but we may safely 
collect from it, that soon after the death of his wife 
he commenced a life of wandering and enterprise, 
after the manner of two or three of his near relations, 
and that in the first instance he sailed for Guiana, a 
tempting region to English imagination ever since the 
appearance of Sir Walter Raleigh's ill-advised tract. 
It may be presumed that this may have been about the 
year 1632. 

We then hear nothing of him, till we find that he 
was in New England in 1637, the time of the Pequot 
war. I know now that he states in so many words 
that he was there at the time ; but it may be inferred 
with reasonable certainty that he was in close com- 
munication with the persons actually in the war, from 
the minute particularity of his narrative. It does not, 
however, appear from it that he himself was present 
in the war, a fact he would have distinctly set forth 
had it been really so. We may perceive in a passage 
or two of this tract, that he was not insensible to the 
value of his honorable descent and alliance; as, for 
example, at p. 40 of the Society's edition: "The 
meanest of the vulgar is not incapable of virtue, and 
consequently neither of honour. Some actions of 
Plebians have elsewhere been taken for great achieve- 
ments." 

The book, the title of which has been placed at the 
head of this article, contains proof that Vincent, the 
author, was a scholar, in the verses "Ad Lectorem," 
prefixed and signed ' ' P. Vincentius. ' ' 

If it be thought that there is not yet sufficient to 
identify the " P. Vincentius " who wrote on the Pequot 



Vincent's narrative. 91 

war with the Philip Vincent who was about to sail to 
Guiana about 1632, I refer to the next publication of a 
"P. Vincent," which appeared in the same year, 1638, 
in which he published his relation of the Pequot war. 
The Imprimatur of his American tract is dated No- 
vember 9, 1637, and is signed G. R. Weckherlin; the 
Imprimatur of this second tract is signed by the same 
person, and is dated November 12, 1637, three days 
after the former. The Address to the Reader is sub- 
scribed, "Thine, P. Vincent"; but in the title-page 
the author is distinctly pointed out as being in orders, 
"Composed by Dr. Vincent, Theol." This, I think, 
must remove all doubt of the author of the Pequot war 
being the Philip Vincent, once rector of Stoke d' Aber- 
non, who sailed for the western hemisphere in or about 
1 632. This book shows that he had travelled in Ger- 
many, without, however, showing the precise time; 
though probably not long before it was published ; so 
that, supposing that he actually was in New England 
at the time of the Pequot war, he must have returned 
to Europe soon after the war was over. The title of 
this tract is,- — 

"The Lamentation of Germany. Wherein as in a 
glass we may behold the miserable condition, and read 
the woful effects of Sin. Composed by Dr. Vincent, 
Theol. an eye-witness thereof; and illustrated by pict- 
ures, the more to affect the Reader, &c. — London, 
printed by E. G. for John Rothwell, and are to be sold 
at the sign of the Sun in St. Paul's Church Yard." 
1638. 12mo. 

The only copy I ever saw of this tract is in the li- 
brary of the British Museum. But in 1835 there was in 



92 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

the Catalogue of Mr. Thorpe, the bookseller in Bedford 
Street, a volume, in which this tract was bound up with 
three others, all printed in 1638, which have every 
appearance of having been the productions of the same 
author. As I never saw any of them, I merely give 
the titles as they appear in Mr. Thorpe's Catalogue: — 

"Warnings of Germany by Wonderful Signs and 
Strange Prodigies, with a brief Relation of the misera- 
ble events which ensued. 1638." 

" Invasions of Germany, with all the Civil and bloody 
wars therein. 1638." This is said to have numerous 
fine portraits. 

1 ' LacrymaB Germanise ; or the Tears of Germany, 
unfolding her wof ul distress. 1 638. ' ' 

More of his history I know not ; or of what became 
of his son. But his elder brother, Thomas Vincent, be- 
came the ancestor of a respectable family of the name, 
seated at Barnborough Grange in the Deanery of 
Doncaster. Of this family there is an ample account 
in my History of that Deanery, Vol. I. p. 377. It be- 
came extinct, in 1730, by the death of a Philip Vincent. 

Joseph Hunter. 



A TRVE 



RELATION 



OF 



The late Battell fought in New- 

England, between the English and the 

Pequet Salvages. 

/ 

In which were slaine and taken prisoners 

about 700 of the Salvages, and those which 

escaped, had their heads cut off by 

the Mohocks: 



With the present state of things 
there. 



LONDON, 

Printed by Thomas Harper, for Nathanael Butter, 
and John Bellamie, 1638. 



[The copy from which we print belongs to the Library of Harvard Uni- 
versity. The copy belonging to our Society is deficient both at the begin- 
ning and end, and we know of no other from which the hiatus could be 
supplied. Publishing Committee, Mass. Hist. Soc] 



Ad Lector em 
Authoris carmen ^«?^-de Victoria hac 

Nov'-Anglica, 1637. 

DVcit in Americam varios gens Angla colonos: 
Et bene convenient sidera, terra, solum. 
Ast ferns hoc prohibet, solis vagabundus in arvis, 

Insolitoque aliquos, incola, Marte necat. 
Quod simnl invitas crimen pervenit ad aures 

Angligenum, irato murmure cuncta fremunt. 
Tunc IcBsijusta arma movent, hostemque sequuntur, 

Struxerat hand vanis qui munimenta locis. 
Invadunt vallum, pal is sudibusque munitum: 

(Pax erit: hoc uno solvitur ira modo.) 
Vndique concidunt omnes, pars una crematur: 

Post, co3si aut capti, ccetera turba luit. 
Vtraque Icetatur Pequetanis Anglia victis, 

Et uovus, ceternum hicfigimur, hospes ait. 
Virginia exultat, vicina Novonia gaudet, 

Signaque securm certa quietis habent. 
Plaudite qui colitis Mavortia sacra nepotes, 

Et serat incultos tutus arator agros. 
Q1103 novus orbis erat, spiranti numine (Lector) 

Anglia nascetur, qua? novus orbis erit. 

P. Vincentius. 



Nihil obstare videtur quo minus hcec 
Belatio typis mandetur. 



Novemb. ix. M.DCxxxvij. 
G. R. Weckherlin. 



A true relation of the late battle fought 

in New-England, between the English and Salvages, 
with the present state of things there. 



New England (a name now every day more famous) 
is so called, because the English were the first discov- 
erers, and are now the planters thereof. It is the east- 
ern coast of the north part of America, upon the south- 
west adjoining to Virginia, and part of that continent, 
large and capable of innumerable people. It is in the 
same height with the north of Spain and south part of 
France, and the temper not much unlike ; as pleasant, 
as temperate, and as fertile as either, if managed by 
industrious hands. 

This is the stage. Let us in a word see the actors. 
The year 1620, a company of English, part out of the 
Low Countries, and some out of London and other 
parts, were sent for Virginia. But being cut short by 
want of wind, and hardness of the winter, they landed 
themselves in this country, enduring, with great hope 
and patience, all the misery that desert could put upon 
them, and employed their wits to make their best use 
of that then snow-covered land for their necessities. 
After two years' experience of the nature of the soil, 
commodities, and natives, they returned such intelli- 
gence to their masters, that others took notice of their 



98 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

endeavors and the place. Then some western mer- 
chants collected a stock, and employed it that way. 
But they discouraged through losses and want of pres- 
ent gain, some Londoners and others (men of worth) 
undertook it, with more resolution, building upon the 
old foundation. Hence a second plantation, adjoined 
to the other, but supported with better pillars and 
greater means. All beginnings are ever difficult. The 
half, saith the proverb, is more than the whole. Some 
errors were committed, and many miseries were en- 
dured. No man is wise enough to shun all evils that 
may happen ; but patience and painf ulness overcame 
all. The success proved answerable even to ambitious 
expectations, notwithstanding the impediments inevit- 
able to such undertakings. 

There is scarce any part of the world but habitable, 
though more commodiously by human culture. This 
part (though in its naturals) nourished many natives, 
distinguished into divers petty nations and factions. 
It were needless curiosity to dispute their original, or 
how they came hither. Their outsides say they are 
men, their actions they say are reasonable. As the 
thing is, so it operateth. Their correspondency of dis- 
position with us, argueth all to be of the same consti- 
tution, and the sons of Adam, and that we had the 
same matter, the same mould. Only art and grace 
have given us that perfection which yet they want, but 
may perhaps be as capable thereof as we. They are 
of person straight and tall, of limbs big and strong, 
seldom seen violent, or extreme in any passion. Naked 
they go, except a skin about their waist, and some- 
times a mantle about their shoulders. Armed they 



VINCENT' S NARRATIVE. 99 

are with bows and arrows, clubs, javelins, &c. But as 
soil, air, diet, and custom, make ofttimes a memorable 
difference in men's natures, so it is among these na- 
tions, whose countries there are like so many shires 
here, of which every one hath their sagamore, or king, 
who, as occasion urgeth, commandeth them in war, 
and ruleth them in peace. Those where the English 
pitched, have showed themselves very loving and 
friendly, and done courtesies beyond expectation for 
these new-come inmates; so that much hath been writ- 
ten of their civility and peaceful conversation, until 
this year. 

But nature, heaven's daughter, and the immediate 
character of that divine power, as by her light she hath 
taught us wisdom, for our own defence, so by her fire 
she hath made us fierce, injurious, revengeful, and in- 
genious in the device of means for the offence of those 
we take to be our enemies. This is seen in creatures 
void of reason, much more in mankind. We have in 
us a mixture of all the elements, and fire is predomi- 
nant when the humors are exagitated. All motion 
causeth heat; all provocation moveth choler; and 
choler inflamed becometh a phrensy, a fury, especially 
in barbarous and cruel natures. These things are con- 
spicuous in the inhabitants of New England ; in whose 
southernmost part are the Pequets, or Pequants, a 
stately, warlike people, which have been terrible to 
their neighbors, and troublesome to the English. 

In February last they killed some English at Sea- 
brooke, a southerly plantation beyond Cape Cod, at 
the mouth of the river of Connectacutt. Since that 
the lieutenant of the fort there, with ten men armed, 



100 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

went out to fire the meadows, and to fit them for mow- 
ing. Arriving there, he started three Indians, which 
he pursued a little way, thinking to cut them off. But 
presently they perceived themselves encompassed with 
hundreds of them, who let fly their arrows furiously, 
and came desperately upon the muzzles of their mus- 
kets, though the English discharged upon them with 
all the speed they could. Three Englishmen were 
there slain, others wounded. The eight that remained 
made their way through the salvages with their swords, 
and so got under the command of the cannon of the 
fort, (otherwise they had been all slain or taken pris- 
oners), one of the wounded falling down dead at the 
fort gate. The Indians thus fleshed and encouraged, 
besieged the fort as near as they durst approach. The 
besieged presently despatched a messenger to the Gov- 
ernor at the Bay, to acquaint him with these sad ti- 
dings, who with all speed lent unto their aid Captain 
Underbill, with twenty soldiers. Not long after these 
salvages went to Water Towne, now called Wether - 
field, and there fell upon some that were sawing, and 
slew nine more, whereof one was a woman, the other 
a child, and took two young maids prisoners, killing 
some of their cattle, and driving some away. Man' s 
nature insulteth in victory and prosperity, and by good 
success is animated even in the worst of wicked actions. 
These barbarians triumphed and proceeded, drawing 
into their confederacy other Indians, as the Nyante- 
cets, and part of the Mohigens, of whom about fifty 
chose rather to join with the English, and sat down at 
New-Towne, at Connectacut (now called Hereford, as 
the other town that went from Dorchester thither is 



Vincent's narrative. 101 

called Windsore). Fame increaseth by flying. The 
former sad news was augmented by the report of sixty 
men slain at Master Pinchen's plantation, &c. which 
proved false. The Narragansets, neighbors to the Pe- 
qnets, sent word to the English, that the Pequets had 
solicited them to join their forces with them. Here- 
upon the Council ordered that none should go to work, 
nor travel, no, not so much as to church, without arms. 
A corps of guard of fourteen or fifteen soldiers was ap- 
pointed to watch every night, and sentinels were set 
in convenient places about the plantations, the drum 
beating when they went to the watch, and every man 
commanded to be in readiness upon an alarm, upon 
pain of five pound. A day of fast and prayers was also 
kept. Forty more were sent to strengthen the former 
twenty that went to the fort, and fifty under the com- 
mand of Captain Mason, which being conjoined were 
about one hundred. Two hundred more were to be 
sent after them with all expedition. 

The fifty Mohigins that joined with the English, 
scouting about, espied seven Pequets, killed five of 
them outright, wounded the sixth mortally, took the 
seventh prisoner, and brought him to the fort. He 
braved the English, as though they durst not kill a 
Pequet. Some will have their courage to be thought 
invincible, when all is desperate. But it availed this 
salvage nothing. They tied one of his legs to a post, 
and twenty men, with a rope tied to the other, pulled 
him in pieces. Captain Underbill shooting a pistol 
through him, to despatch him. The two maids which 
were taken prisoners were redeemed by the Dutch. 

Those fifty sent from the three plantations of Con- 



102 HISTOKY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

nectacut with Captain Mason, being joined with Cap- 
tain Underhill and his twenty men, (for the other forty 
were not yet arrived with them), immediately went 
upon an expedition against the Pequets, after they 
had searched for them. The manner was this. The 
English with some Mohigens went to the Naragansets, 
who were discontented that they came no sooner, say- 
ing they could arm and set forth two or three hundred 
at six hours warning, (which they did accordingly, for 
the assistance of the English) ; only they desired the 
advice of the sagamore, Mydutonno, what way they 
should go to work, and how they should fall on the 
Pequets; whose judgment in all things agreed with the 
English, as though they had consulted together. Then 
went they to the Nyanticke, and he set forth two hun- 
dred more ; but before they went, he swore them after 
his manner upon their knees. As they marched, they 
deliberated which fort of the Pequets they should as- 
sault, resolving upon the great fort, and to be there 
that night. Being on the way, and having a mile to 
march through swamps, the Nyanticke hearts failed, 
for fear of the Pequets, and so they ran away, as also 
did some of the Narragansets. Of five or six hundred 
Indians, not above half were left ; and they had fol- 
lowed the rest, had not Captain Underhill upbraided 
them with cowardice, and promised them they should 
not fight or come within shot of the fort, but only sur- 
round it afar off. At break of day, the seventy En- 
glish gave the fort a volley of shot, whereat the sal- 
vages within made a hideous and pitiful cry ; the shot, 
without all question, flying through the palisadoes 
(which stood not very close) and killing or wounding 



Vincent's narrative. 103 

some of tliem. Pity had hindered further hostile pro- 
ceedings, had not the remembrance of the bloodshed, 
the captive maids, and cruel insolency of those Pe- 
quets, hardened the hearts of the English, and stopped 
their ears unto their cries. Mercy mars all sometimes ; 
severe justice must now and then take place. 

The long forbearance and too much lenity of the 
English towards the Virginian salvages, had like to 
have been the destruction of the whole plantation. 
These barbarians, ever treacherous, abuse the good- 
ness of those that condescend to their rudeness and 
imperfections. The English went resolutely up to the 
door of the fort. What! shall we enter? said Captain 
Underhill.* What come we for else? answered one 
Hedge, a young Northamptonshire gentleman; who, 
advancing before the rest, plucked away some bushes, 
and entered. A stout Pequet encounters him, shoots 
his arrow, drawn to the head, into his right arm, where 
it stuck. He slashed the salvage betwixt the arm and 
shoulder, who, pressing towards the door, was killed 
by the English. Immediately Master Hedge encoun- 
tered another, who perceiving him upon him before he 
could deliver his arrow, gave back ; but he struck up 
his heels and run him through; after him he killed 
two or three more. Then about half the English en- 
tered, fell on with courage, and slew many. But be- 
ing straitened for room because of the wigwams, 
(which are the salvage huts or cabins), they called for 
fire to burn them. An Englishman stepped into a wig- 
wam, and stooping for a firebrand, an Indian was 
ready to knock out his brains: but he whipt out his 

[* Underhill denies this statement] 



104 HISTOEY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

sword and run him into the belly, that his bowels fol- 
lowed. Then were the wigwams set on fire, which so 
raged, that what therewith, what with the sword, in 
little more than an hour betwixt three and four hun- 
dred of them were killed, and of the English only two 
— one of them by our own muskets, as is thought. For 
the Naragansets beset the fort so close, that not one 
escaped. The whole work ended, ere the sun was an 
hour high, the conquerors retreated down toward the 
pinnace, but in their march were infested by the rest 
of the Pequets, who scouting up and down, from the 
swamps and thickets let fly their arrows a-main, which 
were answered by English bullets. The Indians that 
then assisted the English, waiting the fall of the Pe- 
quets, (as the dog watcheth the shot of the fowler, to 
fetch the prey), still fetched them their heads, as any 
were slain. At last the Narragansets perceiving pow- 
der and shot to fail, and fearing to fall into the hands 
of their enemies, betook themselves to flight upon the 
sudden, and were as suddenly encompassed by the Pe- 
quets. Fear defeateth great armies. If an apprehen- 
sion of imminent danger once possess them, it is in 
vain to stay the runaways. No oratory can recall 
them, no command can order them again. The only 
sure way is, by all means that may be, promises, 
threats, persuasions, &c, to maintain and keep up 
courage, where yet it is. But these fearful compan- 
ions had one anchor, whose cable was not broken. 
They sent speedily to the English, who came to their 
rescue ; and after five muskets discharged, the Pequets 
fled. Thus freed from that fear, they vowed hence- 
forth to cleave closer to the English, and never to for- 



Vincent's narrative. 105 

sake them in time of need. The reason why the En- 
glish wanted ammunition was, because they had left 
that which they had for store, with their drum, at the 
place of their consultation; but found it in their re- 
turn. They now all went a- shipboard, and sailed to 
Seabrook fort, where the English feasted the Narra- 
gansets three days, and then sent them home in a 
pinnace. 

Let me now describe this military fortress, which 
natural reason and experience hath taught them to 
erect, without mathematical skill, or use of iron tool. 
They choose a piece of ground, dry and of best advan- 
tage, forty or fifty foot square (but this was at least 
two acres of ground.) Here they pitch, close together 
as they can, young trees and half trees, as thick as a 
man's thigh or the calf of his leg. Ten or twelve foot 
high they are above the ground, and within rammed 
three foot deep with undermining, the earth being cast 
up for their better shelter against the enemy' s discharge- 
ments. Betwixt these palisadoes are divers loopholes, 
through which they let fly their winged messengers. 
The door for the most part is entered sideways, which 
they stop with boughs or bushes, as need requireth. 
The space therein is full of wigwams, wherein their 
wives and children live with them. These huts or 
little houses are framed like our garden arbors, some- 
thing more round, very strong and handsome, covered 
with close-wrought mats, made by their women, of 
flags, rushes, and hempen threads, so defensive that 
neither rain, though never so bad and long, nor yet 
the wind, though never so strong, can enter. The top 
through a square hole giveth passage to the smoke, 



106 HISTOEY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

which in rainy weather is covered with a pluver. This 
fort was so crowded with these numerous dwellings, 
that the English wanted foot-room to grapple with 
their adversaries, and therefore set fire on all. 

The Mohigens which sided with the English in this 
action, behaved themselves stoutly; which the other 
Pequets understanding, cut off all the Mohigens that 
remain with them (lest they should turn to the En- 
glish) except seven; who flying to our countrymen, re- 
lated this news, and that about an hundred Pequets 
were slain, or hurt in the fight with the English, at 
their return from the fort; moreover, that they had re- 
solved to have sent an hundred choice men out of 
their fort, as a party against the English, the very day 
after they were beaten out by them ; but being now 
vanquished, Sasacus, the Pequetan captain, with the 
remainder of this massacre, was fled the country. 

It is not good to give breath to a beaten enemy, lest 
he return armed, if not with greater puissance, yet 
with greater despite and revenge. Too much security, 
or neglect in this kind, hath ofttimes ruined the con- 
querors. The two hundred English, therefore, resolved 
on before, were now sent forth to chase the barbarians, 
and utterly root them out. Whereupon, Captain Un- 
derbill with his twenty men returned, and gave this 
account of those exploits of the New Englanders, which 
here we have communicated to the old English world. 
This last party invaded the Pequetan country, killed 
twenty-three, saved the lives of two sagamores for their 
use hereafter, as occasion shall serve, who have prom- 
ised to do great matters for the advancing of the En- 
glish affairs. They pursued the remnant threescore 



Vincent's narrative. 107 

miles beyond the country, till within six and thirty 
miles of the Dutch plantations on Hudson's river, 
where they fought with them, killed forty or fifty, be- 
sides those that they cut off in their retreat, and took 
prisoners one hundred and eighty, that came out of a 
swamp, and yielded themselves upon promise of good 
quarter. Some other small parties of them were since 
destroyed ; and Captain Patrick, with sixteen or eight- 
een, brought eighty captives to the Bay of Boston. 
The news of the flight of Sassacus, their sagamore, is 
also confirmed. He went with forty men to the Mo- 
hocks, which are cruel, bloody cannibals, and the most 
terrible to their neighbors of all these nations ; but will 
scarce dare ever to carry arms against the English, of 
whom they are sore afraid, not daring to encounter 
white men with their hot-mouthed weapons, which spit 
nothing else but bullets and fire. 

The terror of victory changeth even the affection of 
the allies of the vanquished, and the securing of our 
own estates makes us neglect, yea forsake or turn 
against our confederates, and side with their enemies 
and ours, when we despair of better remedy. These 
cruel, but wily Mohocks, in contemplation of the En- 
glish, and to procure their friendship, entertain the 
fugitive Pequets and their captain by cutting off all 
their heads and hands, which they sent to the En- 
glish, as a testimony of their love and service. 

A day of thanksgiving was solemnly celebrated for 
this happy success ; the Pequetans now seeming noth- 
ing but a name, for not less than seven hundred are 
slain or taken prisoners. Of the English are not slain 
in all above sixteen. One occurrent I may not forget. 



108 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

The endeavors of private men are ever memorable in 
these beginnings ; the meanest of the vulgar is not in- 
capable of virtue, and consequently, neither of honor. 
Some actions of plebeians have elsewhere been taken 
for great achievements. A pretty sturdy youth of New 
Ipswich, going forth somewhat rashly to pursue the 
salvages, shot off his musket after them till all his 
powder and shot were spent ; which they perceiving, 
re -assaulted him, thinking with their hatchets to have 
knocked him in the head : but he so bestirred himself 
with the stock of his piece, and after with the barrel, 
when that was broken, that he brought two of their 
heads to the army. His own desert, and the encour- 
agement of others, will not suffer him to be nameless. 
He is called Francis Wainwright, and came over serv- 
ant with one Alexander Knight, that kept an inn in 
Chelmsford. 

I have done with this tragic scene, whose catastrophe 
ended in a triumph. And now give me leave to speak 
something of the present state of things there. The 
transcribing of all colonies is chargeable, fittest for 
princes or states to undertake. Their first beginnings 
are full of casualty and danger, and obnoxious to many 
miseries. They must be well grounded, well followed, 
and managed with great stocks of money, by men of 
resolution, that will not be daunted by ordinary acci- 
dents. The Bermudas and Virginia are come to per- 
fection, from mean, or rather base beginnings, and 
almost by as weak means, beyond all expectation and 
reason. But a few private men, by uniting their stocks 
and desires, have now raised New England to that 
height, that never any plantation of Spaniards, Dutch, 



vfncent's narrative. 109 

or any other arrived at, in so small a time. Gain is 
the loadstone of adventures ; fish and furs, with beaver 
wool, were specious baits. But whilst men are all for 
their private profit, the public good is neglected, and 
languisheth. Woful experience had too evidently in- 
structed New England's colonies in the precedents of 
Guiana, the Charibe islands, Virginia, and Novania 
or New-found-land, (now again to be planted by Sir 
David Kirke, though part of the old planters there yet 
remain). We are never wiser, than when we are thus 
taught. The New-Englanders, therefore, advanced 
the weal public all they could, and so the private is 
taken care for. 

Corn and cattle are wonderfully increased with 
them, and thereof they have enough, yea sometime to 
spare to new comers, besides spare rooms or good 
houses to entertain them in ; where they may make 
Christmas fires all winter, if they please, for nothing. 
I speak not of the naturals of the country, fish, fowl, 
&c, which are more than plentiful. They that ar- 
rived there this year out of divers parts of Old En- 
gland, say, that they never saw such a field of four hun- 
dred acres of all sorts of English grain, as they saw at 
Winter-towne there. Yet that ground is not compar- 
able to other parts of New England, as Salem, Ipswich, 
Newberry, &c. In a word, they have built fair towns 
of the land's own materials, and fair ships too, some 
whereof are here to be seen on the Thames ; they have 
overcome cold and hunger, are dispersed securely in 
their plantations sixty miles along the coast, and with- 
in the land also, along some small creeks and rivers, 
and are assured of their peace, by killing the barbari- 



110 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

ans, better than our English Virginians were by being 
killed by them. For having once terrified them, by 
severe execution of just revenge, they shall never hear 
of more harm from them, except, perhaps, the killing 
of a man or two at his work, upon advantage, which 
their sentinels and corps-du-guards may easily prevent. 
Nay, they shall have those brutes their servants, their 
slaves, either willingly or of necessity, and docible 
enough, if not obsequious. The numbers of the En- 
glish amount to above thirty thousand, which, (though 
none did augment them out of England), shall every 
day be, doubtless, increased, by a faculty that God 
hath given the British islanders, to beget and bring 
forth more children than any other nation of the 
world. I could justify what I say from the mouths of 
the Hollanders, and adjoining provinces, where they 
confess, (though good breeders of themselves), that 
never woman bore two children, nor yet had so many 
by one man, till the English and Scots frequented 
their wars, and married with them. I could give a 
good reason hereof from nature, as a philosopher, (with 
modesty be it spoken), but there is no need. The air 
of New England, and the diet, equal, if not excelling 
that of Old England : besides, their honor of marriage, 
and careful preventing and punishing of furtive con- 
gression, giveth them and us no small hope of their 
future puissance and multitude of subjects. Herein, 
saith the wise man, consisteth the strength of a king, 
and likewise of a nation, or kingdom. 

But the desire of more gain, the slavery of mankind, 
was not the only cause of our English endeavors for a 
plantation there. The propagation of religion was 



Vincent's narrative. Ill 

that precious jewel for which these merchant vent- 
ures compassed both sea and land, and went into a 
far country to search and seat themselves. This I am 
sure they pretended, and I hope intended. Only this 
blessing from my heart I sincerely wish them, and 
shall ever beseech the Almighty to bestow upon them, 
devout piety towards God, faithful loyalty towards 
their sovereign, fervent charity among themselves, and 
discretion and sobriety in themselves, according to the 
saying of that blessed Apostle, Rom. xii. 3. Not to be 
wise (in spiritual things) above what w 
be wise unto wise sobriety. 

Doubtless there was no 
chastise the insolency of th 
cides, than a sharp war pursu 
and speed. Virginia our mother 
for her precedent a rule, hath taught 
do in these difficulties, forewarn 
They were endangered by their 
peace, secured by their enmity and 
the natives. From these experimen 
now inhabitants of those two sister 
out unto themselves an armor of 
lay a sure foundation to their future 



/-' / N I S 



[Captain Lion Gardener's account of the war (as will be seen from his 
letter of June 12, 1660, printed herewith,) was drawn up partly from old 
papers and partly from memory. It remained in manuscript until 1833, 
when it was printed in 3. Mass. Hist. Coll., Ill, 131-160. It is reprinted 
also in Penhallow's Indian Wars (edited by Dodge, Cincinnati, 1859,) as 
an appendix. It is, after Mason's, perhaps the best account. Gardener 
was a man of ability, a good soldier, and an actual participant in the lead- 
ing events of the war. In the present reprint, Gardener's own spelling of 
his name is used in preference to that of a later date. — Editor's Note.] 



Gardener's Narrative. 

Instructions from the Massachusetts to John Winthrop Esqr first 

GOVERNOUR OF CONNECTICUT TO TREAT WITH THE PeQUOTS. 

[The following manuscript Letter and Commission directed to John 
Winthrop Jun. Esq. , the first Governor of Connecticut, and signed by Sir 
Henry Vane, the Governor, and John Winthrop Esq. the Deputy Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, were found among the papers of the elder Gov. 
Trumbull of Connecticut in the year 1809, and were kindly furnished to the 
Publishing Committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society for publica- 
tion in its Collections, by William T. Williams, Esq. of Lebanon, Con. 
The Society is also deeply indebted to Mr. Williams for several other 
manuscripts of interest published in this collection. These papers, it is 
understood, formerly belonged to the Connecticut branch of the Winthrop 
family. — Publishing Committee, Mass. Hist. Soc] 

1 ' Whereas it so falls out by the good Prouidence of 
God, that the place of your present residence is neare 
adjoyning unto certaine of the Natiues who are called 
the Pequots, concerning whom we haue diuers things 
to enquire and satisfy ourselues in ; our request to you 
therefore is, and by these presents we do giue you full 
power, authority, and commission to treate and con- 
ferre with the sayd Pequots, in our names according 
to the instructions to these annexed, as if wee our- 
selues were present : and to make report backe agayne 
unto vs of the issue and successe of the whole before 
the next Generall Court (which, God willing is in- 
tended in the beginning of the 7th month). Thus 
recommending you, and your affayres to the blessing 
of Allmighty God, wee rest 

Your louing freinds 

HVane. Gov' 

Jo : Winthrop Dep' 
Massatuchets the 4 th day 

Of the 5 th month. 1636." 



114 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

"Massatuchets The instructions which are recom- 

Month : 5'\ 4. mended to John Winthrop Jun r Esq r 

1636. in his negotiation with the Pequots. 

"1. To giue notice to the principall Sachem that 
you haue receaued a commission from vs to demaund a 
solemne meeting for conference with them in a friend- 
ly manner about matters of importance. 

"2. In case they slight such a message and refuse 
to giue you a meeting (at such place as yourself shall 
apoynt) then you are in our names to returne backe 
their present, (which you shall receaue from vs) and to 
acquaint them with all, that we hold ourselues free 
from any peace or league witn them as a people guilty 
of English blood. 

"3. If they consent, and giue you a meeting as 
afore sayd, that then you lay downe vnto them how un- 
worthily they haue requited our friendship with them ; 
for as much as that they haue broken the very condi- 
tion of the peace betwixt vs, by the not rendring into 
our hands the murtherers of Capt Stone, (which we 
desire you once agayne solemly to require of them), 
as also in that they so trifled with vs in their present 
which they made proffer of to vs, as that they did 
send but part of it, and put it off with this, as to say 
the old men did neuer consent to the giuing of it; 
which dealings sauour so much of dishonour and neg- 
lect, as that no people that desire friendship should 
put them in practice. 

"4. To let them know first what credible relation 
hath beene given vs, that some of the cheif of them 
were actors in the murder of Mr Hamond and the 
other vpon Long Hand ; and since of another English- 



gardener's narrative. 115 

man there: and of their late determination to haue 
seized vpon a Plimouth Barke lying in their harbour 
for trade; as by the more large descriptions of these 
things, which we also send vnto you, will more dis- 
tinctly appear. Of all these things we desire you to 
take the relation from their owne mouths, and to in- 
forme vs particularly of their seuerall answers: giuing 
them to vnderstand that it is not the manner of the 
English to take reuenge of injury vntill the partys 
that are guilty haue beene called to answer fairely for 
themselves. 

"5. To let them know that if they shall cleare 
themselues of these matters, we shall not refuse to 
hearken to any reasonable proposition from them for 
confirmation of the peace betwixt vs. But if they 
shall not giue you satisfaction according to these our 
instructions, or shall bee found guilty of any of the 
sayd murthers, and will not deliuuer the actours in 
them into our hands, that then (as before you are 
directed) you returne them the present, and declare to 
them that we hold ourselues free from any league or 
peace with them, and shall reuenge the blood of our 
countrimen as occasion shall serue. 

H: Vane Gov' 

Jo: Winthrop Dep°' 



Leift Lion Gardener his relation of the 
Pequot Warres. 

[The original manuscript of this ' ' Relation ' ' and a copy in the hand- 
writing of Gov. Trumbull were furnished to the Publishing Commit- 
tee by William T. Williams, Esq. The Committee, on account of the 
difficulty the printer would find in deciphering the original, have followed 
the orthography of the copy, excepting in the proper names, where they 
thought it of more importance to adhere to the ancient orthography. Mr. 
Williams in his interesting letters of July 19 and 23, 1832, addressed to a 
member of the Committee, has given some few particulars in relation to 
Lion Gardener ; also a description of the battle-ground where the Pequots 
were destroyed, and of the burial place of Uncas and Miantunnomoh, to- 
gether with a succinct account of the present condition of the remnant of 
the ancient and powerful tribes of the Pequots, Mohegans and Narragan 
sets. These portions of the letters are of historical value, and the Commit- 
tee therefore take the liberty of publishing the following extracts. — Pub- 
lishing Com?niltee, Mass. Hist. Soc.~\ 

"Lion Gardener was sent over by Lords Say and 
Seal and Lord Brook to construct a fort at the mouth 
of Connecticut river, to command it, &c. He was said 
to be a skilful engineer, and on that account was 
selected. He had seen some service in the Low Coun- 
tries under Gen. Fairfax. He came into this Country 
about the year 1633 or 1634 1 and erected the fort at 
Saybrook in Connecticut, which was so named in 
honour of Lords Say and Seal and Lord Brook: but 
how long he continued to command the fort I do not 
recollect. 2 He commanded it when Capt. John Mason 
conquered the Pequots, for Mason in his history, you 
recollect, says, ' he, Lt. Gardiner, complimented or en- 
tertained him with many big guns,' on his arrival at 
the fort after the conquest of the Pequots. 

t)t t£ ifi ifc t£ •3(6' ^r 

1 Gardener arrived in Boston 28., Nov. 1635. 

' He remained at Saybrook four years. A son was born to him 29., April 
1636, which was the first white child born in Connecticut. 



gardener's narrative. 117 

"Gardener continued some time in the command of 
the fort, but it does not appear when he left it. While 
he commanded it, he once very narrowly escaped be- 
ing captured by the Pequots. He had five men with 
him, one of whom was taken and tortured; the fort 
was burnt down, and he and his family narrowly es- 
caped being burnt in it. Gardener's Island, lying in 
Gardener's Bay, to which he removed and where he 
died, was taken possession of by him soon after his 
coming into this country. You will perceive he has 
reference to his island: it is a very beautiful island of 
good land, perhaps twenty -five hundred or three thou- 
sand acres, with a long sand point of not much value. 
It now wholly belongs to the family and was until the 
decease of the last proprietor, Jonathan Gardiner, an 
entailed estate ; but I am told that the entail is now 
broken. The proprietors have always been called 

Lords. 

******* 

"In the mouth of Mistic river there is an island, 
now and always called Mason's Island from old Capt. 
Mason, containing five or six hundred acres. This 
island he took possession of by right of conquest, and 
the most of it is now possessed by his descendants. I 
believe it is the only spot in Connecticut claimed in 
that way. 

1 ' Summer before last I went to the battle-ground on 
purpose to view it. The spot where the fort stood is 
in the present town of Groton, Connecticut, on the 
west side of Mistic river. Sassacus had this fort in 
the eastern part of his dominions to look after the 



118 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Narragansetts. The hill is commanding and beautiful 
though not steep. The land is now owned by Roswell 
Fish, Esq. of Groton. There are no remains of the 
fort ; Capt. Mason says it was of timber mostly, and of 
course when he burnt it, it must have been principally 
consumed. Mr. Fish told me that within his recollec- 
tion (and he is about sixty) some few Indian arrow- 
heads and spears have been found on the ground, and 
also some bullets. The river is at the bottom of the 
hill, less than half a mile, I should think, from the 
site of the fort, and perhaps three miles from the head 
of the little village of Mistic in the town of Stoning - 
ton, where the small streams that form the river meet 
the tide water. The river is the dividing line between 
the towns of Groton and Stonington. Porter's rocks, 
where Capt. Mason lodged, are near the village, and 
perhaps two miles above the site of the fort. 

"Sassacus had another fort, about two miles west 
of the one taken by Mason, in the town of Groton, 
from which the one taken was recruited on the night 
before the attack. The whole of the shore of Mistic 
river, which is about six or seven miles from what is 
called head of Mistic, to its mouth, and particularly 
the west side, is rough, rugged, and rocky, but particu- 
larly pleasant, and filled with dwellings wherever 
they can be placed, inhabited chiefly by sailors and 
seamen. There is a pretty meeting-house among the 
rocks. ****** 

"There is a remnant of the Pequots still existing. 
They live in the town of Groton, and amount to about 
forty souls, in all, or perhaps a few more or less ; but 
do not vary much from that amount. They have 



gardener's narrative. 119 

about eleven acres of poor land reserved to them in 
Groton, on which they live. They are more mixed 
than the Mohegans with negro and white blood, yet 
are a distinct tribe and still retain a hatred to the Mo- 
hegans. A short time since, I had an opportunity of 
seeing most of the tribe together. They are more 
vicious, and not so decent or so good looking a people 
as the Mohegans. This however may be owing to their 
being more mixed with other blood. It is very rare 
that there are any intermarriages with either of the 
tribes to each other, they still, so far as circumstances 
admit, retaining the old grudge. The most common 
name among them is Meazen; nearly half call them- 
selves by that surname. 

"The Indians formerly called Ninegrate's men, seem 
to be now called the Narragansetts, and live principal- 
ly in Charlestown, Rhode Island. There are perhaps 
eighty, or more; though I am not so well informed 
concerning them, as of the Pequots or Mohegans. 

1 1 Considerable exertion is making now in favor of 
the Mohegans. A small, but neat church, has lately 
been erected by charity for them, and the United 
States have appropriated nine hundred dollars to 
build a school-master's house, and for his salary. The 
house for the school-master is erected and a school- 
master hired, who also preaches to the tribe. All of the 
tribe are anxiously sought out, and the benevolent are 
trying to bring them all together to their ancient seat. 
There are about seventy men on their land, or perhaps 
a few more. They own about three thousand acres of 
good land in Montville, about three miles below Nor- 
wich landing. The Trading Cove brook is their north- 



120 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

em bound; their eastern is the Thames river. The 
General Assembly of this State, immediately after the 
Pequot war was finished, declared, and I think un- 
fortunately, that the name of the Pequots should be- 
come extinct; that the river that used to be called 
Pequot should be called Thames ; and the place called 
Pequot should no longer be so called, but its name be 
changed to New London, in "remembrance," as the 
records declare, and as the Assembly say, ' ' of the 
chief city in our dear native country. ' ' 

' ' I have visited the ground where the rival chiefs, 
Uncas and Miantunnomoh, are buried. Uncas is 
buried in the royal burying ground, so called, which 
was appropriated to the Uncas family. It is just by 
the falls in the Yantic river in Norwich city ; a beauti- 
ful and romantic spot. Calvin Goddard, Esq. of Nor- 
wich, owns the ground, and has (honorably) railed it 
in, and keeps it appropriated to its use. I saw him a 
few days since ; he intends to enlarge it, and I hope to 
have an appropriate stone to mark the place. Mian- 
tunnomoh is buried in the east part of Norwich, at 
a place called Sachem's Plain, from the event of his 
death ; and is buried on the spot where he was slain. 
But a few years since a large heap of stones, thrown 
together by the wandering Indians, according to the 
custom of their country, and as a melancholy mark of 
the love the Narragansets had for their fallen chief, 
lay on his grave : but the despicable cupidity of some 
people in that vicinity has removed them to make 
common stone wall, as it saved them the trouble of 
gathering stones for that purpose. The spot of his 
sepulture is, however, yet known." 



gardener's narrative. 121 

"East Hampton, June 12, 1660. 

"Loving Friends, Robert Chapman and Thomas 
Hurlburt, my love remembered to you both, these are 
to inform, that as you desired me when I was with you 
and Major Mason at Seabrooke two years and an half 
ago to consider and to call to mind the passages of 
God's Providence at Seabrooke in and about the time 
of the Pequit [Pequot] War, wherein I have now en- 
deavoured to answer your Desires and having rumaged 
and found some old papers then written it was a great 
help to my memory. You know that when I came to 
you I was an engineer or architect, whereof carpentry 
is a little part, but you know I could never use all the 
tools, for although for my necessity, I was forced some- 
times to use my shifting chissel and my holdfast, yet 
you know I could never endure nor abide the 
smoothing plane; I have sent you a piece of timber 
scored and forehewed unfit to join to any handsome 
piece of work, but seeing I have done the hardest 
work, you must get somebody to chip it and to 
smooth it lest the splinters should prick some men's 
fingers, for the truth must not be spoken at all times, 
though to my knowledge I have written nothing but 
truth, and you may take out or put in what you 
please, or if you will, may throw it all into the fire ; but 
I think you may let the Governor and Major Mason 
see it. I have also inserted some additions of things 
that were done since, that they may be considered 
together. And thus as I was when I was with you, 
so I remain still Your loving friend, 

Lion Gardener. 



122 HISTOKY OF THE PEQUOT WAK. 

"In the year 1635, I, Lion Gardener, Engineer and 
Master of works of Fortification in the legers of the 
Prince of Orange, in the Low Countries, through the 
persuasion of Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Hugh Peters 
with some other well -affected Englishmen of Rotter- 
dam, I made an agreement with the forenamed Mr. 
Peters for £100 per annum, for four years, to serve the 
company of patentees, namely, the Lord Say, the Lord 
Brooks [Brook,] Sir Arthur Hazilrig, Sir Mathew 
Bonnington [Bonighton?], Sir Richard Saltingstone 
[Saltonstall], Esquire Fenwick, and the rest of their 
company, [I say] I was to serve them only in the draw- 
ing, ordering and making of a city, towns or forts of 
defence. And so I came from Holland to London, and 
from thence to New-England, where I was appointed 
to attend such orders as Mr. John Winthrop, Esquire, 
the present Governor of Conectecott, was to appoint, 
whether at Pequit [Pequot] river, or Conectecott, and 
that we should choose a place both for the convenience 
of a good harbour, and also for capableness and fitness 
for fortification. But I landing at Boston the latter 
end of November, the aforesaid Mr. Winthrop had 
sent before one Lieut. Gibbons, Sergeant Willard, 
with some carpenters, to take possession of the River's 
mouth, where they began to build houses against the 
Spring ; we expecting, according to promise, that there 
would have come from England to us 300 able men, 
whereof 200 should attend fortification, 50 to till the 
ground, and 50 to build houses. But our great expec- 
tation at the River's mouth, came only to two men, 
viz. Mr. Fenwick, and his man, who came with Mr. 
Hugh Peters, and Mr. Oldham and Thomas Stanton, 



gardener's narrative. 123 

bringing with them some Otter- skin coats, and Beaver, 
and skeins of wampum, which the Pequits [PequotsJ 
had sent for a present, because the English had re- 
quired those Pequits [Pequots] that had killed a Vir- 
ginean [Virginian], one Capt. Stone, with his Bark's 
crew, in Conectecott River, for they said they would 
have their lives and not their presents; then I an- 
swered, Seeing you will take Mr. Winthrop to the Bay 
to see his wife, newly brought to bed of her first child, 
and though you say he shall return, yet I know if you 
make war with these Pequits, he will not come hither 
again, for I know you will keep yourselves safe, as you 
think, in the Bay. but myself, with these few, you will 
leave at the stake to be roasted, or for hunger to be 
starved, for Indian corn is now 12,9. per bushel, and 
we have but three acres planted, and if they will now 
make war for a Virginian and expose us to the In- 
dians, whose mercies are cruelties, they, I say, they love 
the Virginians better than us: for, have they stayed 
these four or five years, and will they begin now, we 
being so few in the River, and have scarce holes to put 
our heads in? I pray ask the Magistrates in the Bay 
if they have forgot what I said to them when I returned 
from Salem? For Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Haines, Mr. 
Dudley, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Humfry, Mr. Belingam 
[Bellingham], Mr. Coddington, and Mr. Nowell; — 
these entreated me to go with Mr. Humfry and Mr. 
Peters to view the country, to see how fit it was for 
fortification. And I told them that Nature had done 
more than half the work already, and I thought no' 
foreign potent enemy would do them any hurt, but 
one that was near. They asked me who that was, and 



124 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

I said it was Capt. Hunger that threatened them most, 
for, (said I,) War is like a three-footed Stool, want 
one foot and down comes all ; and these three feet are 
men, victuals, and munition, therefore, seeing in 
peace you are like to be famished, what will or can be 
done if war? Therefore I think, said I, it will be best 
only to fight against Capt. Hunger, and let fortifica- 
tion alone awhile; and if need hereafter require it, I 
can come to do you any service: and they all liked my 
saying well. Entreat them to rest awhile, till we get 
more strength here about us, and that we hear where 
the seat of the war will be, may approve of it, and 
provide for it, for I had but twenty-four in all, men, 
women, and boys and girls, and not food for them for 
two months, unless we saved our corn-field, which 
could not possibly be if they came to war, for it is two 
miles from our home. Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Fenwick, 
and Mr. Peters promised me that they would do their 
utmost endeavour to persuade the Bay-men to desist 
from war a year or two, till we could be better provided 
for it ; and then the Pequit Sachem was sent for, and 
the present returned, but full sore against my will. 
So they three returned to Boston, and two or three 
days after came an Indian from Pequit, whose name 
was Cocommithus, who had lived at Plimoth, and 
could speak good English ; he desired that Mr. Steven 
[Stephen] Winthrop would go to Pequit with an £100 
worth of trucking cloth and all other trading ware, 
for they knew that we had a great cargo of goods of 
Mr. Pincheon's, and Mr. Steven Winthrop had the 
disposing of it. And he said that if he would come 
he might put off all his goods, and the Pequit Sachem 



gardener's narrative. 125 

would give him two horses that had been there a great 
while. So I sent the Shallop, with Mr. Steven Win- 
throp, Sergeant Tille [Tilly], (whom we called after- 
ward Sergeant Kettle, because he put the kettle on his 
head,) and Thomas Hurlbut and three men more, 
charging them that they should ride in the middle of 
the river, and not go ashore until they had done all 
their trade, and that Mr. Steven Winthrop should 
stand in the hold of the boat, having their guns by 
them, and swords by their sides, the other four to be, 
two in the fore cuddie, and two in aft, being armed 
in like manner, that so they out of the loop-holes 
might clear the boat, if they were by the Pequits as- 
saulted ; and that they should let but one canoe come 
aboard at once, with no more but four Indians in her, 
and when she had traded then another, and that they 
should lie no longer there than one day, and at night 
to go out of the river ; and if they brought the two 
horses, to take them in at a clear piece of land at the 
mouth of the River, two of them go ashore to help the 
horses in, and the rest stand ready with their guns in 
their hands, if need were, to defend them from the 
Pequits, for I durst not trust them. So they went and 
found but little trade, and they having forgotten what 
I charged them, Thomas Hurlbut and one more went 
ashore to boil the kettle, and Thomas Hurlbut stepping 
into the Sachem's wigwam, not far from the shore, 
enquiring for the horses, the Indians went out of the 
wigwam, and Wincumbone, his mother's sister, was 
then the great Pequit Sachem's wife, who made signs 
to him that he should be gone, for they would cut off 
his head ; which, when he perceived, he drew his sword 



126 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

and ran to the others, and got aboard, and immedi- 
ately came abundance of Indians to the water-side 
and called them to come ashore, but they immediately 
set sail and came home, and this caused me to keep 
watch and ward, for I saw they plotted our destruc- 
tion. And suddenly after came Capt. Endecott, Capt. 
Turner, and Capt. Undrill [Underhill], with a com- 
pany of soldiers, well fitted, to Seabrook, and made 
that place their rendezvous or seat of war, and that to 
my great grief, for, said I, you come hither to raise 
these wasps about my ears, and then you will take 
wing and flee away; but when I had seen their com- 
mission I wondered, and made many allegations 
against the manner of it, but go they did to Pequit, 
and as they came without acquainting any of us in 
the River with it, so they went against our will, for I 
knew that I should lose our corn-field; then I en- 
treated them to hear what I would say to them, which 
was this : Sirs, Seeing you will go, I pray you, if you 
don't load your Barks with Pequits, load them with 
corn, for that is now gathered with them, and dry, 
ready to put into their barns, and both you and we 
have need of it, and I will send my shallop and hire 
this Dutchman's boat, there present, to go with you, 
and if you cannot attain your end of the Pequits, yet 
you may load your barks with corn, which will be 
welcome to Boston and to me: But they said they 
had no bags to load them with, then said I, here is 
three dozen of new bags, you shall have thirty of 
them, and my shallop to carry them, and six of them 
my men shall use themselves, for I will with the 
Dutchmen send twelve men well provided ; and I de- 



gardener's narrative. 127 

sired them to divide the men into three parts, viz. two 
parts to stand without the corn, and to defend the 
other one third part, that carried the corn to the wa- 
ter-side, till they have loaded what they can. And 
the men there in arms, when the rest are aboard, shall 
in order go aboard, the rest that are aboard shall with 
their arms clear the shore, if the Peqnits do assault 
them in the rear, and then, when the General shall 
display his colours, all to set sail together. To this 
motion they all agreed, and I put the three dozen of 
bags aboard my shallop, and away they went, and de- 
manded the Pequit Sachem to come into parley. But 
it was returned for answer, that he was from home, 
but within three hours he would come ; and so from 
three to six, and thence to nine, there came none. 
But the Indians came without arms to our men, in 
great numbers, and they talked with my men, whom 
they knew; but in the end, at a word given, they all on 
a sudden ran away from our men, as they stood in rank 
and file, and not an Indian more was to be seen : and 
all this while before, they carried all their stuff away, 
and thus was that great parley ended. Then they 
displayed their colours, and beat their drums, burnt 
some wigwams and some heaps of corn, and my men 
carried as much aboard as they could, but the army 
went aboard, leaving my men ashore, which ought to 
have marched aboard first. But they all set sail, and 
my men were pursued by the Indians, and they hurt 
some of the Indians, and two of them came home 
wounded. The Bay-men killed not a man, save that 
one Kichomiquim [Cutshamequinl, an Indian Sachem 
of the Bay, killed a Pequit; and thus began the war be- 



128 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

tween the Indians and us in these parts. So my men 
being come home, and having brought a pretty quan- 
tity of corn with them, they informed me (both Dutch 
and English) of all passages. I was glad of the corn. 
After this I immediately took men and went to our 
corn-field, to gather our corn^ appointing others to 
come about with the shallop and fetch it, and left five 
lusty men in the strong-house, with long guns, which 
house I had built for the defence of the corn. Now 
these men not regarding the charge I had given them, 
three of them went a mile from the house a fowling; 
and having loaded themselves with fowl they re- 
turned. But the Pequits let them pass first, till they 
had loaded themselves, but at their return they arose 
out of their ambush, and shot them all three ; one of 
them escaped through the corn, shot through the leg, 
the other two they tormented. Then the next day I 
sent the shallop to fetch the five men, and the rest of 
the corn that was broken down, and they found but 
three, as is above said, and when they had gotten that 
they left the rest ; and as soon as they were gone a lit- 
tle way from shore, they saw the house on fire. Now 
so soon as the boat came home, and brought us this bad 
news, old Mr. Michell was very urgent with me to 
lend him the boat to fetch hay home from the Six-mile 
Island, but I told him they were too few men, for his 
four men could but carry the hay aboard, and one 
must stand in the boat to defend them, and they 
must have two more at the foot of the Rock, with 
their guns, to keep the Indians from running down 
upon them. And in the first place, before they carry 
any of the cocks of hay, to scour the meadow with 



gardener's narrative. 129 

their three dogs,— to march all abreast from the lower 
end up to the Rock, and if they found the meadow 
clear, then to load their hay ; but this was also neg- 
lected, for they all went ashore and fell to carrying off 
their hay, and the Indians presently rose out of the 
long grass, and killed three, and took the brother of 
Mr. Michell, who is the minister of Cambridge, and 
roasted him alive ; and so they served a shallop of his, 
coming down the river in the Spring, having two men, 
one whereof they killed at Six-mile Island, the other 
came down drowned to us ashore at our doors, with 
an arrow shot into his eye through his head. 

In the 22d of February, I went out with ten men, 
and three dogs, half a mile from the house, to burn 
the weeds, leaves and reeds, upon the neck of land, 
because we had felled twenty timber-trees, which 
we were to roll to the water-side to bring home, every 
man carrying a length of match with brimstone- 
matches with him to kindle the fire withal. But when 
we came to the small of the Neck, the weeds burning, 
I having before this set two sentinels on the small of 
the Neck, I called to the men that were burning the 
reeds to come away, but they would not until they had 
burnt up the rest of their matches. Presently there 
starts up four Indians out of the fiery reeds, but ran 
away, I calling to the rest of our men to come away 
out of the marsh. Then Robert Chapman and Thomas 
Hurlbut, being sentinels, called to me, saying there 
came a number of Indians out of the other side of the 
marsh. Then I went to stop them, that they should 
not get the wood-land ; but Thomas Hurlbut cried out 
to me that some of the men did not follow me, for 



130 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

Thomas Rumble and Arthur Branch, threw down 
their two guns and ran away ; then the Indians shot 
two of them that were in the reeds, and sought to get 
between us and home, but durst not come before us, 
but kept us in a half -moon, we retreating and exchang- 
ing many a shot, so that Thomas Hurlbut was shot al- 
most through the thigh, John Spencer in the back, into 
his kidneys, myself into the thigh, two more were shot 
dead. But in our retreat I kept Hurlbut and Spencer 
still before us, we defending ourselves with our naked 
swords, or else they had taken us all alive, so that the 
two sore wounded men, by our slow retreat, got home 
with their guns, when our two sound men ran away 
and left their guns behind them. But when I saw the 
cowards that left us, I resolved to let them draw lots 
which of them should be hanged, for the articles did 
hang up in the hall for them to read, and they knew 
they had been published long before. But at the in- 
tercession of old Mr. Michell, Mr. Higgisson [Higgin- 
son], and Mr. Pell, I did forbear. Within a few days 
after, when I had cured myself of my wound, I went 
out with eight men to get some fowl for our relief, 
and found the guns that were thrown away, and the 
body of one man shot through, the arrow going in at 
the right side, the head sticking fast, half through a 
rib on the left side, which I took out and cleansed it, 
and presumed to send to the Bay, because they had 
said that the arrows of the Indians were of no force. 

Anthony Dike, master of a bark, having his bark 
at Rhode -Island in the winter, was sent by Mr. Vane, 
then Governor. Anthony came to Rhode-Island by 
land, and from thence he came with his bark to me 



gardener's narrative. 131 

with a letter, wherein was desired that I should con- 
sider and prescribe the best way I could to quell these 
Pequits, which I also did, and with my letter sent the 
man's rib as a token. A few days after, came Thomas 
Stanton down the River, and staying for a wind, while 
he was there came a troop of Indians within musket 
shot, laying themselves and their arms down behind a 
little rising hill and two great trees ; which I perceiv- 
ing, called the carpenter whom I had shewed how to 
charge and level a gun, and that he should put two 
cartridges of musket bullets into two sakers guns that 
lay about; and we levelled them against the place, 
and I told him that he must look towards me, and when 
he saw me wave my hat above my head he should give 
fire to both the guns ; then presently came three Indians, 
creeping out and calling to us to speak with us: and I 
was glad that Thomas Stanton was there, and I sent 
six men down by the Garden Pales to look that none 
should come under the hill behind us; and having 
placed the rest in places convenient closely, Thomas 
and I with my sword, pistol and carbine, went ten or 
twelve pole without the gate to parley with them. 
And when the six men came to the Garden Pales, at 
the corner, they found a great number of Indians 
creeping behind the fort, or betwixt us and home, but 
they ran away. Now I had said to Thomas Stanton, 
Whatsoever they say to you, tell me first, for we will 
not answer them directly to any thing, for I know not 
the mind of the rest of the English. So they came 
forth, calling us nearer to them, and we them nearer 
to us. But I would not let Thomas go any further 
than the great stump of a tree, and I stood by him ; 



132 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

then they asked who we were, and he answered, 
Thomas and Lieutenant. But they said he lied, for I 
was shot with many arrows; and so I was, but my buff 
coat preserved me, only one hurt me. But when I 
spake to them they knew my voice, for one of them 
had dwelt three months with us, but ran away when 
the Bay-men came first. Then they asked us if we 
would fight with Niantecut Indians, for they were our 
friends and came to trade with us. We said we knew 
not the Indians one from another, and therefore would 
trade with none. Then they said, Have you fought 
enough? We said we knew not yet. Then they asked 
if we did use to kill women and children? We said 
they should see that hereafter. So they were silent a 
small space, and then they said, We are Pequits, and 
have killed Englishmen, and can kill them as mosque- 
toes, and we will go to Conectecott and kill men, wo- 
men, and children, and we will take away the horses, 
cows and hogs. When Thomas Stanton had told me 
this, he prayed me to shoot that rogue, for, said he, he 
hath an Englishman's coat on, and saith that he hath 
killed three, and these other four have their cloathes 
on their backs. I said, No, it is not the manner of a 
parley, but have patience and I shall fit them ere they 
go. Nay, now or never, said he ; so when he could get 
no other answer but this last, I bid him tell them that 
they should not go to Conectecott, for if they did kill 
all the men, and take all the rest as they said, it would 
do them no good, but hurt, for English women are 
lazy, and can't do their work; horses and cows will 
spoil your corn-fields, and the hogs their clam -banks, 
and so undo them : then I pointed to our great house, 



gardener's narrative. 133 

and bid him tell them there lay twenty pieces of truck- 
ing cloth, of Mr. Pincheon' s, with hoes, hatchets, and 
all manner of trade, they were better fight still with 
us, and so get all that, and then go up the river after 
they had killed all us. Having heard this, they were 
mad as dogs, and ran away ; then when they came to 
the place from whence they came, I waved my hat 
about my head, and the two great guns went off, so 
that there was a great hubbub amongst them. Then 
two days after, came down Capt. Mason, and Sergeant 
Seely, with five men more, to see how it was with us ; 
and whilst they were there, came down a Dutch boat, 
telling us the Indians had killed fourteen English, for 
by that boat I had sent up letters to Conectecott, what 
I heard, and what I thought, and how to prevent that 
threatened danger, and received back again rather a 
scoff, than any thanks, for my care and pains. But 
as I wrote, so it fell out to my great grief and theirs, 
for the next, or second day after, (as Major Mason well 
knows,) came down a great many canoes, going down 
the creek beyond the marsh, before the fort, many of 
them having white shirts ; then I commanded the car- 
penter whom I had shewed to level great guns, to put 
in two round shot into the two sackers, and we levelled 
them at a certain place, and I stood to bid him give 
fire, when I thought the canoe would meet the bullet, 
and one of them took off the nose of a great canoe 
wherein the two maids were, that were taken by the 
Indians, whom I redeemed and clothed, for the 
Dutchmen, whom I sent to fetch them, brought them 
away almost naked from Pequit, they putting on their 
own linen jackets to cover their nakedness; and 



134 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

though the redemption cost me ten pounds, I am yet 
to have thanks for my care and charge about them : 
these things are known to Major Mason. 

Then came from the Bay Mr. Tille, with a permit 
to go up to Harford [Hartford], and coming ashore 
he saw a paper nailed up over the gate, whereon was 
written, that no boat or bark should pass the fort, but 
that they come to an anchor first, that I might see 
whether they were armed and manned sufficiently, 
and they were not to land any where after they passed 
the fort till they came to Wethersfield ; and this I did 
because Mr. Mitch el had lost a shallop before coming 
down from Wethersfield, with three men well armed. 
This Mr. Tille gave me ill language for my presump- 
tion, (as he called it), with other expressions too long 
here to write. When he had done, I bid him go to 
his warehouse, which he had built before I come, to 
fetch his goods from thence, for I would watch no 
longer over it. So he, knowing nothing, went and 
found his house burnt, and one of Mr. Plum's with 
others, and he told me to my face that I had caused 
it to be done; but Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, Thomas 
Hurlbut and John Green can witness that the same 
day that our house was burnt at Cornfield-point I 
went with Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, and four men more, 
broke open a door and took a note of all that was in 
the house and gave it to Mr. Higgisson to keep, and 
so brought all the goods to our house, and delivered 
it all to them again when they came for it, without 
any penny of charge. Now the very next day after I 
had taken the goods out, before the sun was quite 
down, and we all together in the great hall, all them 



gardener's narrative. 135 

houses were on fire in one instant. The Indians ran 
away, but I would not follow them. Now when Mr. 
Tille had received all his goods I said unto him, I 
thought I had deserved for my honest care both for 
their bodies and goods of those that passed by here, at 
the least better language, and am resolved to order 
such malepert persons as you are ; therefore I wish you 
and also charge you to observe that which you have 
read at the gate, 'tis my duty to God, my masters, and 
my love I bear to you all which is the ground of this, 
had you but eyes to see it ; but you will not till you 
feel it. So he went up the river, and when he came 
down again to his place, which I called Tille' s folly, 
now called Tille' s point, in our sight in despite, 
having a fair wind he came to an anchor, and with 
one man more went ashore, discharged his gun, and 
the Indians fell upon him, and killed the other, and 
carried him alive over the river in our sight, before 
my shallop could come to them ; for immediately I sent 
seven men to fetch the Pink down, or else it had been 
taken and three men more. So they brought her 
down, and I sent Mr. Higgisson and Mr. Pell aboard to 
take an invoice of all that was in the vessel, that noth- 
ing might be lost. Two days after came to me, as I 
had written to Sir Henerie Vane, then Governor of 
the Bay, I say came to me Capt, Undrill [Underbill], 
with twenty lusty men, well armed, to stay with me 
two months, or 'till something should be done about 
the Pequits. He came at the charge of my masters. 
Soon after came down from Harford Maj. Mason, 
Lieut. Seely, accompanied with Mr. Stone and eighty 
Englishmen, and eighty Indians, with a commission 



136 HISTORY OF THE PEQTJOT WAR. 

from Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Steel, and some others; 
these came to go fight with the Pequits. But when 
Capt. Undrill [UnderhillJ and I had seen their com- 
mission, we both said they were not fitted for such a 
design, and we said to Maj. Mason we wondered he 
would venture himself, being no better fitted ; and he 
said the Magistrates could not or would not send bet- 
ter; then we said that none of our men should go 
with them, neither should they go unless we, that 
were bred soldiers from our youth, could see some 
likelihood to do better than the Bay-men with their 
strong commission last year. Then I asked them how 
they durst trust the Mohegin [Mohegan] Indians, 
who had but that year come from the Pequits. They 
said they would trust them, for they could not well go 
without them for want of guides. Yea, said I, but I 
will try them before a man of ours shall go with you 
or them ; and I called for Uncas and said unto him, 
You say you will help Maj. Mason, but I will first see 
it, therefore send you now twenty men to the Bass 
river, for there went yesternight six Indians in a canoe 
thither; fetch them now dead or alive, and then you 
shall go with Maj. Mason, else not. So he sent his 
men who killed four, brought one a traitor to us alive, 
whose name was Kiswas, and one ran away. And 
I gave him fifteen yards of trading cloth on my own 
charge, to give unto his men according to their desert. 
And having staid there five or six days before we could 
agree, at last we old soldiers agreed about the way 
and act, and took twenty insufficient men from the 
eighty that came from Harford [Hartford] and sent 
them up again in a shallop, and Capt. Undrill [Under- 



gardener's narrative. 137 

hill] with twenty of the lustiest of our men went in 
their room, and I furnished them with such things as 
they wanted, and sent Mr. Pell, the sergeon, with 
them; and the Lord God blessed their design and 
way, so that they returned with victory to the glory 
of God, and honour of our nation, having slain three 
hundred, burnt their fort, and taken many prisoners. 
Then came to me an Indian called Wequash, and I by 
Mr. Higgisson inquired of him, how many of the 
Pequits were yet alive that had helped to kill Eng- 
lishmen; and he declared them to Mr. Higgisson, and 
he writ them down, as may appear by his own hand 
here enclosed, and I did as therein is written. Then 
three days after the fight came Waiandance, next 
brother to the old Sachem of Long Island, and having 
been recommended to me by Maj. Gibbons, he came 
to know if we were angry with all Indians. I an- 
swered No, but only with such as had killed English- 
men. He asked me whether they that lived upon 
Long -Island might come to trade with us. I said No, 
nor we with them, for if I should send my boat to 
trade for corn, and you have Pequits with you, and 
if my boat should come into some creek by reason of 
bad weather, they might kill my men, and I shall 
think that you of Long Island have done it, and so we 
may kill all you for the Pequits; but if you will kill 
all the Pequits that come to you, and send me their 
heads, then I will give to you as to Weakwash 
[Wequash], and you shall have trade with us. Then, 
said he, I will go to my brother, for he is the great 
Sachem of all Long Island, and if we may have peace 
and trade with you, we will give you tribute, as we 



138 HISTORY OP THE PEQUOT WAR. 

did the Pequits. Then I said, If you have any Indians 
that have killed English, yon must bring their heads 
also. He answered, not any one, and said that Gib- 
bons, my brother, would have told you if it had been 
so; so he went away and did as I had said, and sent 
me five heads, three and four heads for which I paid 
them that brought them as I had promised. 

Then came Capt. Stoten [Stoughton] with an army 
of 300 men, from the Bay, to kill the Pequits; but 
they were fled beyond New Haven to a swamp. I sent 
Wequash after them, who went by night to spy them 
out, and the army followed him, and found them at 
the great swamp, who killed some and took others, 
and the rest fled to the Mowhakues [Mohawks], with 
their Sachem. Then the Mohawks cut off his head 
and sent it to Hartford, for then they all feared us, 
but now it is otherwise, for they say to our faces that 
our Commissioners meeting once a year, and speak a 
great deal, or write a letter, and there' s all, for they 
dare not fight. But before they went to the Great 
Swamp they sent Thomas Stanton over to Long Island 
and Shelter Island to find Pequits there, but there was 
none, for the Sachem Waiandance, that was at Plimoth 
when the Commissioners were there, and set there 
last, I say, he had killed so many of the Pequits, and 
sent their heads to me, that they durst not come there ; 
and he and his men went with the English to the 
Swamp, and thus the Pequits were quelled at that 
time. But there was like to be a great broil between 
Miantenomie [Miantunnomoh] and Unchus [Uncas] 
who should have the rest of the Pequits, but we medi- 
tated between them and pacified them; also Unchus 



gardener's narrative. 139 

challenged the Narraganset Sachem out to a single 
combat, but he would not fight without all his men; 
but they were pacified, though the old grudge re- 
mained still, as it doth appear. Thus far I had written 
in a book, that all men and posterity might know how 
and why so many honest men had their blood shed, yea, 
and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some 
roasted alive, only because Kichamokin [Cutshame- 
quin], a Bay Indian, killed one Pequit ; and thus far 
of the Pequit war, which was but a comedy in com- 
parison of the tragedies which hath been here threat- 
ened since, and may yet come, if God do not open the 
eyes, ears, and hearts of some that I think are wilfully 
deaf and blind, and think because there is no change 
that the vision fails, and put the evil -threatened day 
far off, for say they, We are now twenty to one to what 
we were then, and none dare meddle with us. Oh! 
wo be to the pride and security which hath been the 
ruin of many nations, as woful experience has proved. 

But I wonder, and so doth many more with me, that 
the Bay doth no better revenge the murdering of Mr. 
Oldham, an honest man of their own, seeing they were 
at such cost for a Virginian. The Narragansets that 
were at Block-Island killed him, and had £50 of gold 
of his, for I saw it when he had five pieces of me, and 
put it up into a clout and tied it up all together, when 
he went away from me to Block Island; but the 
Narragansets had it and punched holes into it, and 
put it about their necks for jewels; and afterwards I 
saw the Dutch have some of it, which they had of the 
Narragansets at a small rate. 

And now I find that to be true which our friend 



140 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAB. 

Waiandance told me many years ago, and that was 
this; that seeing all the plots of the Narragansets 
were always discovered, he said they would let us 
alone 'till they had destroyed Uncas, and him, and 
then they, with the Mowquakes and Mowhakues and 
the Indians beyond the Dutch, and all the Northern 
and Eastern Indians, would easily destroy us, man 
and mother's son. This have I informed the Govern- 
ors of these parts, but all in vain, for I see they have 
done as those of Wethersfield, not regarding till they 
were impelled to it by blood ; and thus we may be 
sure of the fattest of the flock are like to go first, if 
not altogether, and then it will be too late to read Jer. 
xxv. — for drink we shall if the Lord be not the more 
merciful to us for our extreme pride and base security, 
which cannot but stink before the Lord ; and we may 
expect this, that if there should be war again between 
England and Holland, our friends at the Dutch and 
our Dutch Englishmen would prove as true to us now, 
as they were when the fleet came out of England ; but 
no more of that, a word to the wise is enough. 

And now I am old, I would fain die a natural death, 
or like a soldier in the field, with honor, and not to 
have a sharp stake set in the ground, and thrust into 
my fundament, and to have my skin flayed off by piece- 
meal, and cut in pieces and bits, and my flesh roasted 
and thrust down my throat, as these people have done, 
and I know will be done to the chief est in the country 
by hundreds, if God should deliver us into their hands, 
as justly he may for our sins. 

I going over to Meantacut, upon the eastern end of 
Long Island, upon some occasion that I had there, I 



gardener's narrative. 141 

found four Narragansets there talking with the 
Sachem and his old counsellors. I asked an Indian 
what they were? He said that they were Narragan- 
sets, and that one was Miannemo [MiantunnomohJ, a 
Sachem. What came they for ? said I. He said he 
knew not, for they talked secretly; so I departed to 
another wigwam. Shortly after came the Sachem 
Waiandance to me and said, Do you know what these 
came for? No, said I; then he said, They say I must 
give no more wampum to the English, for they are no 
Sachems, nor none of their children shall be in their 
place if they die; and they have no tribute given 
them ; there is but one king in England, who is over 
them all, and if you would send him 100,000 fathom 
of wampum, he would not give you a knife for it, nor 
thank you. And I said to them, Then they will come 
and kill us all, as they did the Pequits ; then they said 
No, the Pequits gave them wampum and beaver, which 
they loved so well, but they sent it them again, and 
killed them because they had killed an Englishman ; 
but you have killed none, therefore give them noth- 
ing. Now friend, tell me what I shall say to them, 
for one of them is a great man. Then said I, Tell them 
that you must go first to the farther end of Long- 
Island, and speak with all the rest, and a month hence 
you will give them an answer. Mean time you may go 
to Mr. Haines, and he will tell you what to do, and I will 
write all this now in my book that I have here ; and 
so he did, and the Narragansets departed, and this 
Sachem came to me at my house, and I wrote this 
matter to Mr. Haines, and he went up with it to Mr. 
Haines, who forbid him to give any thing to the Nar- 



142 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

raganset, and writ to me so. — And when they came 
again they came by my Island, and I knew them to be 
the same men ; and I told them they might go home 
again, and I gave them Mr. Haynes his letter for Mr. 
Williams to read to the Sachem. So they returned 
back again, for I had said to them, that if they would 
go to Mantacut I would go likewise with them, and 
that Long-Island must not give wampum to Narra- 
ganset. 

A while after this came Miantenomie from Block- 
Island to Mantacut with a troop of men, Waiandance 
being not at home ; and instead of receiving presents, 
which they used to do in their progress, he gave them 
gifts, calling them brethren and friends, for so are we 
all Indians as the English are, and say brother to one 
another ; so must we be one as they are, otherwise we 
shall be all gone shortly, for you know our fathers 
had plenty of deer and skins, our plains were full of 
deer, as also our woods, and of turkies, and our coves 
full of fish and fowl. But these English having got- 
ten our land, they with scythes cut down the grass, 
and with axes fell the trees ; their cows and horses eat 
the grass, and their hogs spoil our clam banks, and we 
shall all be starved ; therefore it is best for you to do 
as we, for we are all the Sachems from east to west, 
both Moquakues and Mohauks joining with us, and 
we are all resolved to fall upon them all, at one ap- 
pointed day; and therefore I am come to you private- 
ly first, because you can persuade the Indians and 
Sachem to what you will, and I will send over fifty 
Indians to Block-Island, and thirty to you from thence, 
and take an hundred of Southampton Indians with 



gardener's narrative. 143 

an hundred of your own here ; and when you see the 
three fires that will be made forty days hence, in a 
clear night, then do as we, and the next day fall on 
and kill men, women, and children, but no cows, for 
they will serve to eat till our deer be increased 
again. — And our old men thought it was well. So 
the Sachem came home and had but little talk with 
them, yet he was told there had been a secret consul- 
tation between the old men and Miantenomie, but 
they told him nothing in three days. So he came 
over to me and acquainted me with the manner of the 
Narragansets being there with his men, and asked me 
what I thought of it; and I told him that the Narra- 
ganset Sachem was naught to talk with his men secret- 
ly in his absence, and I bid him go home, and told 
him a way how he might know all, and then he should 
come and tell me; and so he did, and found out all as 
is above written, and I sent intelligence of it over to 
Mr. Haynes and Mr. Eaton ; but because my boat was 
gone from home it was fifteen days before they had 
any letter, and Miantenomie was gotten home before 
they had news of it. And the old men, when they 
saw how I and the Sachem had beguiled them, and 
that he was come over to me, they sent secretly a 
canoe over, in a moon-shine night, to Narraganset to 
tell them all was discovered ; so the plot failed, blessed 
be God, and the plotter, next Spring after, did as Ahab 
did at Ramoth-Gilead.— So he to Mohegin, and there 
had his fall. 

Two years after this, Ninechrat sent over a captain 
of his, who acted in every point as the former; him 
the Sachem took and bound and brought him to me, 



144 HISTORY OP THE PEQUOT WAR. 

and I wrote the same to Governor Eaton, and sent an 
Indian that was my servant and had lived four years 
with me ; him, with nine more, I sent to carry him to 
New-Haven, and gave them food for ten days. But 
the wind hindered them at Plum-Island; then they 
went to Shelter-Island, where the old Sachem dwelt — 
Waiandance's elder brother, and in the night they let 
him go, only my letter they sent to New-Haven, and 
thus these two plots was discovered; but now my 
friend and brother is gone, who will now do the like? 
But if the premises be not sufficient to prove Wai- 
andance a true friend to the English, for some may 
say he did all this out of malice to the Pequits and 
Narragansets ; now I shall prove the like with respect 
to the Long-Islanders, his own men. For I being at 
Meantacut, it happened that for an old grudge of a 
Pequit, who was put to death at Southampton, being 
known to be a murderer, and for this his friends bear 
a spite against the English. So as it came to pass at 
that day I was at Mantacut, a good honest woman was 
killed by them at Southampton, but it was not known 
then who did this murder. And the brother of this 
Sachem was Shinacock Sachem could or would not find 
it out. At that time Mr. Gosmore and Mr. Howell, 
being magistrates, sent an Indian to fetch the Sachem 
thither; and it being in the night, I was laid down 
when he came, and being a great cry amongst them, 
upon which all the men gathered together, and the 
story being told, all of them said the Sachem should 
not go, for, said they, they will either bind you or kill 
you, and then us, both men, women and children; 
therefore let your brother find it out, or let them kill 



gardener's narrative. 145 

you and us, we will live and die together. So there 
was a great silence for a while, and then the Sachem 
said, Now you have all done I will hear what my 
friend will say, for [he] knows what they will do. 
So they wakened me as they thought, but I was not 
asleep, and told me the story, but I made strange of 
the matter, and said, If the magistrates have sent for 
you why do you not go? They will bind me or kill me, 
saith he. I think so, said I, if you have killed the 
woman, or known of it, and did not reveal it; but you 
were here and did it not. But was any of your Man- 
tauket Indians there to-day? They all answered, Not 
a man these two days, for we have inquired concerning 
that already. Then said I, Did none of you ever hear 
any Indian say he would kill English? — No, said they 
all; then I said, I shall not go home 'till tomorrow, 
though I thought to have been gone so soon as the 
moon was up, but I will stay here till you all know it 
is well with your Sachem ; if they bind him, bind me, 
and if they kill him, kill me. But then you must find 
out him that did the murder, and all that know of it, 
them they will have and no more. Then they with a 
great cry thanked me, and I wrote a small note with 
the Sachem, that they should not stay him long in 
their houses, but let him eat and drink and be gone, 
for he had his way before him. So they did, and that 
night he found out four that were consenters to it, 
and knew of it, and brought them to them at South- 
ampton, and they were all hanged at Harford, whereof 
one of these was a great man among them, commonly 
called the Blue Sachem. 
A further instance of his faithfulness is this ; about 



146 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

the Pequit war time one William Hamman [Ham- 
mond], of the Bay, killed by a giant-like Indian to- 
wards the Dutch. I heard of it, and told Waiandance 
that he must kill him or bring him to me ; but he said 
it was not his brother's mind, and he is the great 
Sachem of all Long-Island, likewise the Indian is a 
mighty great man, and no man durst meddle with him, 
and hath many friends. So this rested until he had 
killed another, one Thomas Famngton. After this 
the old Sachem died, and I spake to this Sachem again 
about it, and he answered, He is so cunning, that 
when he hears that I come that way a hunting, that 
his friends tell him, and then he is gone. — But I will 
go at some time when nobody knows of it, and then I 
will kill him ; and so he did — and this was the last 
act which he did for us, for in the time of a great mor- 
tality among them he died, but it was by poison ; also 
two thirds of the Indians upon Long-Island died, else 
the Narragansets had not made such havoc here as 
they have, and might not help them. — And this I have 
written chiefly for our own good, that we might con- 
sider what danger we are all in, and also to declare to 
the country that we have found an heathen, yea an 
Indian, in this respect to parallel the Jewish Morde- 
cai. But now I am at a stand, for all we English 
would be thought and called Christians; yet, though 
I have seen this before spoken, having been these twen- 
ty-four years in the mouth of the premises, yet I know 
not where to find, or whose name to insert, to parallel 
Ahasuerus lying on his bed and could not sleep, and 
called for the Chronicles to be read; and when he 
heard Mordecai named, said, What hath been done 



GARDENER S NARRATIVE. 147 

for him? But who will say as he said, or do answer- 
able to what he did? But our New-England twelve- 
penny Chronicle is stuffed with a catalogue of the 
names of some, as if they had deserved immortal fame; 
but the right New-England military worthies are left 
out for want of room, as Maj. Mason, Capt. Undrill 
[Underhill], Lieut. Sielly [Seely], &c, who undertook 
the desperate way and design to Mistick Fort, and 
killed three hundred, burnt the fort and took many 
prisoners, though they are not once named. But hon- 
est Abraham thought it no shame to name the confed- 
erates that helped him to war when he redeemed his 
brother Lot ; but Uncas of Mistick, and Waiandance, 
at the Great Swamp and ever since your trusty friend, 
is forgotten, and for our sakes persecuted to this day 
with fire and sword, and Ahasuerus of New-England 
is still asleep, and if there be any like to Ahasuerus, 
let him remember what glory to God and honor to our 
nation hath followed their wisdom and valor. Awake ! 
awake Ahasuerus, if there be any of thy seed or spirit 
here, and let not Haman destroy us as he hath done 
our Mordecai ! And although there hath been much 
blood shed here in these parts among us, God and we 
know it came not by us. But if all must drink of this 
cup that is threatened, then shortly the king of She- 
shack shall drink last, and tremble and fall when our 
pain will be past. O that I were in the countries 
again, that in their but twelve years truce, repaired cities 
and towns, made strong forts, and prepared all things 
needful against a time of war like Solomon. I think 
the soil hath almost infected me, but what they or our 
enemies will do hereafter I know not. I hope I shall 



148 HISTORY OF THE PEQUOT WAR. 

not live so long to hear or see it, for I am old and out 
of date, else I might be in fear to see and hear that I 
think ere long will come upon us. 

Thus for our tragical story, now to the comedy. 
When we were all at supper in the great hall, they 
(the Pequits) gave us alarm to draw us out three times 
before we could finish our short supper, for we had 
but little to eat, but you know that I would not go 
out ; the reasons you know. 

2ndly. You Robert Chapman, you know that when 
you and John Bagley were beating samp at the Garden 
Pales, the sentinels called you to run in, for there 
was a number of Pequits creeping to you to catch you ; 
I hearing it went up to the Redoubt and put two 
cross-bar shot into the two guns that lay above, and 
levelled them at the trees in the middle of the limbs 
and boughs, and gave order to John Frend and his 
man to stand with hand-spikes to turn them this or 
that way, as they should hear the Indians shout, for 
they should know my shout from theirs for it should 
be very short. Then I called six men, and the dogs, 
and went out, running to the place, and keeping all 
abreast, in sight, close together. And when I saw my 
time I said, Stand ! and called all to me saying, Look 
on me; and when I hold up my hand, then shout as 
loud as you can, and when I hold down my hand, then 
leave; and so they did. Then the Indians began a 
long shout, and then went off the two great guns and 
tore the limbs of the trees about their ears, so that 
divers of them were hurt, as may yet appear, for you 
told me when I was up at Harford this present year, 
1 60, in the month of September, that there is one of 



gardener's narrative. 149 

them lyeth above Hartford, that is fain to creep on all 
four, and we shouted once or twice more; but they 
would not answer us again, so we returned home 
laughing. Another pretty prank we had with three 
great doors of ten feet long and four feet broad, being 
bored full of holes and driven full of long nails, as 
sharp as awl blades, sharpened by Thomas Hurlbut. — 
Tiiv * we placed in certain places where they should 
come, it/ r ing lest they should come in the night and 
fire our reaJibt or battery, and all the place, for we 
had seen then footing., w*iere they had been in the 
night, when they shot at our sentinels, but cOol^t 3Q& 
hit them for the boards ; and in a dry time and a dark 
night they came as they did before, and found the way 
a little too sharp for them ; and as they skipped from 
one they trod upon another, and left the nails and 
doors dyed with their blood, which you know we saw 
the next morning, laughing at it.— And this I write 
that young men may learn, if they should meet with 
such trials as we met with there, and have not oppor- 
tunity to cut off their enemies ; yet they may, with 
such pretty pranks, preserve themselves from danger, — 
for policy is needful in wars as well as strength. 



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